Letter from J[ohn] Wesley Little to John Muir, 1913 Feb 25 .

Picture Rocks, Pa. Feb 25 1913My dear John MuirThis little letter from an eleven year old school girl written on her own impulse explains itself. If you feel like putting your autograph on the enclosed sheet I am quite sure it would be an incentive for her to continue her interest in John Muir and his Sierras. She does not know I am actually taking the liberty to mail this to you so she will not be disappointed if the autograph does not appear but I know she will be overjoyed if it doesVery sincerely and respectfully J Wesley Little05383 Picture Rocks, Pa.Feb 27, 1913Dear Mr Muir:I have heard and read about you. And would like to know you. So would my father J. Wesley Little. He is an artist. He said he would rather take a walk with you than any other person in the world. I live in a beautiful little town that lies between three beautiful hills One looks like the work of a glacier Father found a rock there that was made up of a different kind of stone than what is around here and fossils. I would like to live in the Sierra Nevada mountains among the birds, animals, flowers and trees although I love my home.Yours trulyEleanor R. Little0538

Patient complexity in quality comparisons for glycemic control: An observational study

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>Patient complexity is not incorporated into quality of care comparisons for glycemic control. We developed a method to adjust hemoglobin A1c levels for patient characteristics that reflect complexity, and examined the effect of using adjusted A1c values on quality comparisons.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>This cross-sectional observational study used 1999 national VA (US Department of Veterans Affairs) pharmacy, inpatient and outpatient utilization, and laboratory data on diabetic veterans. We adjusted individual A1c levels for available domains of complexity: age, social support (marital status), comorbid illnesses, and severity of disease (insulin use). We used adjusted A1c values to generate VA medical center level performance measures, and compared medical center ranks using adjusted versus unadjusted A1c levels across several thresholds of A1c (8.0%, 8.5%, 9.0%, and 9.5%).</p> <p>Results</p> <p>The adjustment model had R²= 8.3% with stable parameter estimates on thirty random 50% resamples. Adjustment for patient complexity resulted in the greatest rank differences in the best and worst performing deciles, with similar patterns across all tested thresholds.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>Adjustment for complexity resulted in large differences in identified best and worst performers at all tested thresholds. Current performance measures of glycemic control may not be reliably identifying quality problems, and tying reimbursements to such measures may compromise the care of complex patients.</p

The Scientific Investigation of Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAP) Using Multimodal Ground-based Observatories

Peer reviewedPublisher PD

Finishing the euchromatic sequence of the human genome

The sequence of the human genome encodes the genetic instructions for human physiology, as well as rich information about human evolution. In 2001, the International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium reported a draft sequence of the euchromatic portion of the human genome. Since then, the international collaboration has worked to convert this draft into a genome sequence with high accuracy and nearly complete coverage. Here, we report the result of this finishing process. The current genome sequence (Build 35) contains 2.85 billion nucleotides interrupted by only 341 gaps. It covers ∼99% of the euchromatic genome and is accurate to an error rate of ∼1 event per 100,000 bases. Many of the remaining euchromatic gaps are associated with segmental duplications and will require focused work with new methods. The near-complete sequence, the first for a vertebrate, greatly improves the precision of biological analyses of the human genome including studies of gene number, birth and death. Notably, the human enome seems to encode only 20,000-25,000 protein-coding genes. The genome sequence reported here should serve as a firm foundation for biomedical research in the decades ahead

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

Correction to: Cluster identification, selection, and description in Cluster randomized crossover trials: the PREP-IT trials

An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via the original article

Letter from J[ohn] Wesley Little to John Muir, 1913 Feb 25 .

Picture Rocks, Pa. Feb 25 1913My dear John MuirThis little letter from an eleven year old school girl written on her own impulse explains itself. If you feel like putting your autograph on the enclosed sheet I am quite sure it would be an incentive for her to continue her interest in John Muir and his Sierras. She does not know I am actually taking the liberty to mail this to you so she will not be disappointed if the autograph does not appear but I know she will be overjoyed if it doesVery sincerely and respectfully J Wesley Little05383 Picture Rocks, Pa.Feb 27, 1913Dear Mr Muir:I have heard and read about you. And would like to know you. So would my father J. Wesley Little. He is an artist. He said he would rather take a walk with you than any other person in the world. I live in a beautiful little town that lies between three beautiful hills One looks like the work of a glacier Father found a rock there that was made up of a different kind of stone than what is around here and fossils. I would like to live in the Sierra Nevada mountains among the birds, animals, flowers and trees although I love my home.Yours trulyEleanor R. Little0538

Independent Predictors for Hospitalization-Associated Radiation therapy Interruptions

PURPOSE: Radiation treatment interruption associated with unplanned hospitalization remains understudied. The intent of this study was to benchmark the frequency of hospitalization-associated radiation therapy interruptions (HARTI), characterize disease processes causing hospitalization during radiation, identify factors predictive for HARTI, and localize neighborhood environments associated with HARTI at our academic referral center. METHODS AND MATERIALS: This retrospective review of electronic health records provided descriptive statistics of HARTI event rates at our institutional practice. Uni- and multivariable logistic regression models were developed to identify significant factors predictive for HARTI. Causes of hospitalization were established from primary discharge diagnoses. HARTI rates were mapped according to patient residence addresses. RESULTS: Between January 1, 2015, and December 31, 2017, 197 HARTI events (5.3%) were captured across 3729 patients with 727 total missed treatments. The 3 most common causes of hospitalization were malnutrition/dehydration (n = 28; 17.7%), respiratory distress/infection (n = 24; 13.7%), and fever/sepsis (n = 17; 9.7%). Factors predictive for HARTI included African-American race (odds ratio [OR]: 1.48; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.07-2.06; = .018), Medicaid/uninsured status (OR: 2.05; 95% CI, 1.32-3.15; = .0013), Medicare coverage (OR: 1.7; 95% CI, 1.21-2.39; = .0022), lung (OR: 5.97; 95% CI, 3.22-11.44; \u3c .0001), and head and neck (OR: 5.6; 95% CI, 2.96-10.93; .0001) malignancies, and prescriptions \u3e20 fractions (OR: 2.23; 95% CI, 1.51-3.34; \u3c .0001). HARTI events clustered among Medicaid/uninsured patients living in urban, low-income, majority African-American neighborhoods, and patients from middle-income suburban communities, independent of race and insurance status. Only the wealthiest residential areas demonstrated low HARTI rates. CONCLUSIONS: HARTI disproportionately affected socioeconomically disadvantaged urban patients facing a high treatment burden in our catchment population. A complementary geospatial analysis also captured the risk experienced by middle-income suburban patients independent of race or insurance status. Confirmatory studies are warranted to provide scale and context to guide intervention strategies to equitably reduce HARTI events