Jaama pudrett ehk Miks Tartu sai veevärgi nii hilja

The Tartu Poudrette factory or Why the WaterSupply System in Tartu was constructed so lateAt times the sanitary problems grew quite grave in the fast growing cities of the 19th century. Technology and medicine also developed swiftly but it was not always that the different fields provided support to each other at the right time and according to necessity.The University of Tartu is known as an innovative centre of medicine. The city had been studied by chemists (e.g., the research on the wells of Tartu by Carl Schmidt), physicians (medical topography already since the early 19th century), demographers (biostatisticians),etc. Considering this, it is somewhat surprising that the sanitary conditions in Tartu were rather poor at length even for those times. The University constructed its own water supply system already in 1889but institutions and classes were unable to reach an agreement with regard to the city water supply. The newly emergent body of active Estonians responsible for building the grand and modern Vanemuine theatre house was willing to live in quite modest conditions in view of hygiene.In order to solve the city’s issue of human waste a Poudrette factory was built on the territory of the Jaama city estate in 1866. This solution was somewhat outdated already then. The factory produced a fertilizer mix of dry night soil, which sold quite well. Gustav Post, the lessee and later owner, became a rich man. The factory was municipalizedeven before WW I and it developed to be a substantialsource of income for the city in independent Estonia. Tartu was the only city in Estonia where this part of the city’s economy brought a profit. This is likely one of the reasons why a water supply system that covered the entire city was built only in the 1930s in Tartu

The effect of the smartphone to cognitive performance

Uurimistöö tegeleb nutitelefonide, vaimsete võimete ja tähelepanuprotsesside suhte selgitamisega. Töö eesmärk oli uurida nutitelefonide kohaloleku mõju katseisikute tähelepanuprotsessidele, kasutades selleks problemaatilist nutitelefonikasutust mõõtvat küsimustikku E-SAPS18 ning vaimseid võimeid hindavaid teste RSPM ( Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices ), vaimsete võimete test ning akadeemiline test. Valimisse kuulus 22 inimest, kes jaotati kahte rühma - ühel võeti katse ajaks telefon ära, teisel jäeti see katseisiku ette lauale. Kolmest esitatud hüpoteesist ükski ei leidnud täielikult kinnitust. Leiti vaid nutitelefoniga katsegrupi puhul seos kõrgema vaimse võimekuse testi tulemuse ja nutitelefoni kohaloleku väiksema mõjuga tähelepanuprotsessidele

Social mobility and career patterns of Estonian intellectuals in the Russian empire

'In the success stories of Estonians across several generations we can speak about certain regularities. The career which moved the person out of the taxpayers' status could be started in governmental (often half-military) educational establishments and was related to civil or military service. The way from leaving the countryside for town and to become a white-collar employee would happen no sooner than within 2-3 generations. A large part of the first generation intellectuals in 19th century left for Russia. It was hard to assimilate into well-established structures of the local society, but the vast Russian empire offered various possibilities to ambitious young people. Estonians, once having accepted to act like Germans, could in Russia make a career as engineers of factories, doctors in chief of military hospitals, chemists, headmasters of schools, veterinarians, land surveyors, postal or railway clerks, Lutheran pastor in the vast spaces of Siberia. The mere size of the Russian empire guaranteed extended job opportunities. At the beginning of the 20th century emigrants tried to come back home and use the knowledge and skills obtained in Russia for the (Estonian) public weal. When Estonia became an independent state, 40.000 persons came back and they had a great impact in the building of Estonian professional elites.' (author's abstract)

Eesti venekeelse elanikkonna segmenteeritud integratsioon ja vahendatud hargmaisus

Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsiooneEesti venekeelse elanikkonna puhul on tegemist sisemiselt heterogeense rahvastikurühmaga, keda ühendab küll ühine keel, ent kelle kohanemine Eesti ühiskonnas on aset leidnud eri viisidel. Kuigi neid erinevusi on uuritud varemgi, näiteks on lõimitust vaadeldud eeskätt riigispetsiifilise kapitali nagu kodakondsus ja keeleoskus abil (vt Lauristin 2012, Rikmann jt 2013), siis minu doktoritöö pakub välja detailsema empiirilise mudeli kirjeldamaks venekeelse elanikkonna lõimumise viise. Doktoritöös võetakse lõimumise lahtimõtestamisel arvesse venekeelse elanikkonna meedia kaudu vahendatud hargmaisust ehk eri meediaruumides osalemist ning piiriüleste (virtuaalsete) sidemete alahoidmist. Lõimumise ja hargmaisuse vahelisi seoseid ei ole Eesti kontekstis senini põhjalikult analüüsitud. Lõimituse aspektist on Venemaa mõju peetud kui mitte ohtlikuks, siis kindlasti mitte kohalikku lõimumist toetavaks. Käesolevast doktoritööst selgub, et opereerimine erinevates kultuuri- ja inforuumides ning laialdane venekeelse ja –maise meedia jälgimine ja kommunikatsioonipraktikad suhestuvad kohaliku lõimitusega erinevalt. See tähendab, et kohalik lõimitus ja meedia kaudu vahendatud hargmaisus on omavahel seotud, ent see vastastikmõju avaldub lõimrühmades erinevalt ning sõltub ka lõimrühmadele kättesaadavatest ressurssidest ja nende kasutamisest. Doktoritöö tulemused osutavad, et Eesti venekeelse elanikkonna saab tinglikult jagada neljaks. Multiaktiivne kosmopoliitne lõimrühm on tugevasti lõimitud kõikidesse ühiskonna sfääridesse, omab mitmekesist meediamenüüd ja suhtlusvõrgustikku, mis võimaldab aktiivselt ühiskonnaelus kaasa rääkida. Institutsionaalselt lõimunud usaldavad riigi institutsioone, neil on kõrgem haridus ning stabiilne majanduslik olukord, ent ebapiisav riigikeele oskus võib ühiskonnaelus osalemist pärssida. Kui regulaarne uudiste jälgimine hoiab kursis kohaliku eluga, siis venekeelse meedia jälgimine toidab hargmaisust ning võimaldab seeläbi säilitada ja arendada ajaloolis-kultuurilist identiteeti. Kolmas ehk etnokultuuriline lõimrühm paistab silma tugeva etnokultuurilise identiteediga ning lööb aktiivselt kaasa kodanikuühiskonnas. Samal ajal Venemaa kodakondsus ning Venemaaga seotud meedia- ja kommunikatsioonipraktikad ei toeta kohaliku poliitilise- ja kodanikuidentiteedi arengut ega suhteid põhirahvusega, ent seostuvad kohaliku tasandi kollektiivsete tegevustega ning hoiavad seeläbi ühiskonda sidustatuna. Neljast lõimrühmast problemaatilisim on nõrgalt lõimunud, kel puudub ligipääs ressurssidele, misläbi ühiskonnaellu kaasatud olla. Selle rühma hargmaisust, aga ka ühiskondlikku passiivsust toetavad meelelahutuslikku laadi tegevused virtuaalruumis, eeskätt sotsiaalmeedias.Although Russian speakers in Estonia are united by the common use of Russian language and linked social practices, such as following Russian language media, deepening in-group distinctions still exist inside the Russian speaking population and therefore their local integration has taken place in various ways. Previous investigations have offered typologies of multidimensional social involvement of the Russian-speaking population in relation to the ownership of nation state specific capitals (e.g. Lauristin 2012, Rikmann et al 2013). This dissertation explores integration of Russian-speaking population more detailed way, by taking into account mediated transnationalism, i.e. participation in different media and information spaces and maintenance of (virtual) cross-border ties. In the Estonian context the mutual modes of inter-connectedness have not, until now been comprehensively analysed. The role of Russia is considered to be, if not dangerous to, then definitely not supporting of, local social involvement. Results of this dissertation show that the widespread following of Russian and/or international media and personal cross-border communication practices of Russian-speakers in Estonia interact with the local integration in different ways by forming four different types of local integration. The results of this work indicate that local integration and mediated transnationalism are mutually connected, but at the same time, this inter-connectedness is also depending on the use and allocation of relevant resources and manifests differently. The multi-active cosmopolitan type of integration is the most autonomous, has the best access to all relevant resources, multifarious media menu and wide communication network, which enables successfully operate in society. The dutiful, institutionally engaged type of integration is describable by high trust towards institutions, higher education and stable economic situation, but insufficient knowledge of Estonian might hinder participation in society. If regular following of news media supports local integration, then following of Russian-language media reinforces transnationalism and enables to maintain and develop historical-cultural identity. The active ethno-culturally engaged type of integration has taken advantage of ethno-cultural and civic engagement resources. Russian citizenship and Russia-related media and communication practices do not support development of local political and civic identity or relations with majority population, but associate with local collective activities and keep thereby involved. The most problematic type of integration is the passive, weakly engaged one, who lacks access to the important resources and therefore remains isolated from society. Transnationalism, as well societal passivity of this group is supported by entertainment type of activities in virtual space, especially in social media.https://www.ester.ee/record=b538216