38 research outputs found
En quoi les « partis ethniques » sont-ils « ethniques » ? Les trajectoires du MDL en Bulgarie et de lâUDMR en Roumanie
AprĂšs avoir occupĂ© une place modeste au sein des Ă©tudes est-europĂ©ennes, les travaux consacrĂ©s Ă lâethnopolitique (ethnopolitics) et aux politiques des minoritĂ©s en Europe centrale et du sud-est se sont multipliĂ©s de maniĂšre spectaculaire depuis le dĂ©but des annĂ©es 1990. Quâils soient nourris par la « transitologie » ou par une abondante littĂ©rature consacrĂ©e aux « conflits ethniques », ils tendent Ă envisager, dans une dĂ©marche souvent normative, la diversitĂ© ethno-culturelle comme un obstacle au processus de dĂ©mocratisation. ScrutĂ©s dans cette perspective, les partis « ethniques » font lâobjet dâinterprĂ©tations duales : si certaines analyses valorisent dans une optique multiculturaliste leurs rĂŽles en tant que vecteurs de participation et dâintĂ©gration des groupes minoritaires dans les sociĂ©tĂ©s politiques, dâautres mettent en avant les effets dĂ©lĂ©tĂšres des processus de partisanisation de lâethnicitĂ© sur la stabilitĂ© des Etats et de la dĂ©mocratie. InformĂ©es par des reprĂ©sentations plutĂŽt essentialistes des « groupes », ces lectures des identifications ethniques et de leur jeu en politique mobilisent la notion de « parti ethnique » qui se caractĂ©riserait par une extrĂȘme altĂ©ritĂ©, comparĂ© aux organisations dites « gĂ©nĂ©ralistes ». A rebours de ces approches, la dĂ©marche qui guide la comparaison des trajectoires du Mouvement des droits et libertĂ©s en Bulgarie (MDL, dĂ©fendant les intĂ©rĂȘts des Turcs et des autres populations de confession musulmane) et de lâUnion dĂ©mocratique des Magyars de Roumanie (UDMR, organisation reprĂ©sentant les intĂ©rĂȘts de la population hongroise) vise Ă revaloriser une sociologie de lâaction collective qui nâocculte pas les historicitĂ©s des sociĂ©tĂ©s particuliĂšres et restitue les imaginaires sociaux comme les stratĂ©gies des acteurs. Ce, afin de montrer les conditions dans lesquelles lâethnicitĂ© devient un vecteur de mobilisation sociale, un instrument de production de loyautĂ©s et une ressource de lĂ©gitimation. Les identitĂ©s ne sont pas exogĂšnes aux processus de politisation ; elles sont redĂ©finies, renĂ©gociĂ©es, rĂ©appropriĂ©es (notamment) Ă la faveur du passage au politique. Les « partis ethniques » appellent quant Ă eux un travail de dĂ©sexotisation, car ils nâĂ©chappent pas aux dilemmes de la reprĂ©sentation politique (en particulier, lâenjeu de la rĂ©ponse/responsabilitĂ©, responsiveness) auxquels sont confrontĂ©es les autres formations.A rather marginal theme in Eastern European studies before the end of communism, ethnic politics
and minority policies in Central and South-East Europe have given birth to a very rich body of literature
in the 1990s. Some analyses have been influenced by the so-called âtransitologyâ paradigm; others
have borrowed from ethnic conflict studies. In both cases, though, ethnocultural diversity has mostly
been treated in a normative way and portrayed as an obstacle to democratization. As for ethnic
parties, they have alternatively been presented as conducive to better political participation and
integration for the minorities (in a multiculturalist perspective) or as a threat to state stability and to
democracy. Regardless of these cleavages, most research on ethnic identifications and on their
mobilization in politics has been grounded upon substantial definitions of ethnic âgroupsâ and has
reified differences between âgeneralistâ and âethnicâ parties. The present comparison between the
trajectory of the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MFR, which represents the interests of the Turks
and other Muslims in Bulgaria) and that of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR,
representing the Hungarian population) departs from these approaches in two ways. First, it
emphasizes the centrality of the sociology of collective action to understanding the politicization of
ethnicity, while insisting on the need to trace the particular historical processes through which ethnicity
has been constructed and politicized in every single case. Second, attention is brought to the role the
social imaginary plays in shaping the strategies of social and political actors. To put it otherwise, we
argue that identities are not exogenous to politicization processes; they are redefined, renegotiated
and reappropriated as social actors invest the political field. âEthnic partiesâ are in urgent need of deexoticization: Like most parties, they cannot elude the traditional dilemmas of political representation,
in particular the need to be perceived as both responsive and accountable
Le droit étatique des minorités religieuses
For religious minorities, freedoms are best guaranteed by the principle of non-interference, a kind of « right to indifference ». There is no question of denying the existence of oppressed groups, but rather of being opposed to some « class » right for religious groups. The author highlights from the time of Roman history onwards the emancipation and repression of individuals and groups in areas of freedom of conscience and religious practice. He is quite critical towards our era as he underscores the deficiencies in the Canadian and Québec charters in coming to grips with legislative discrimination. According to his conclusions, the non-separation of Church and State and the introduction of statutes on minorities perpetuates discriminated-against minorities
Femmes francophones et pluralisme en milieu minoritaire
feminist discourse - Canadian francophone minority - pluralis
Comment expliquer l'absence de conflit religieux dans un pays multiconfessionnel? : cas de l'Albanie
Huntington avait-il raison lorsquâil dĂ©clarait que la religion serait un Ă©lĂ©ment sujet Ă diviser ? Loin de dĂ©clarer quâil existe une recrudescence de conflits dans le monde, force est de constater que la dimension religieuse dans les conflits est quant Ă elle sur le devant de la scĂšne. Les cas du Liban, de lâIrlande du Nord ou de lâEx-Yougoslavie, des cas classiques, illustrent parfaitement cette dimension dans lâexacerbation dâun conflit. Toutefois, ce mĂ©moire tend Ă expliciter un phĂ©nomĂšne particulier ; celui de lâAlbanie. SituĂ©e dans la rĂ©gion des Balkans, un vĂ©ritable carrefour des religions dâune part et considĂ©rĂ© comme un pays multiconfessionnel dâautre part, elle nâa jamais connu de conflit Ă caractĂšre religieux. Quâest-ce qui explique que cet Ătat, composĂ© de musulmans, de chrĂ©tiens orthodoxes et de catholiques, nâa jamais vu un conflit religieux Ă©merger tandis que ce mulitconfessionnalisme est facteur de conflit chez dâautres ? Nous verrons que lâhypothĂšse sur laquelle nous nous appuierons est lâabsence dâentrepreneurs politique. LâAlbanie post-communiste a maintenu la religion sĂ©parĂ©e du monde politique tout comme ce dernier a Ă©vitĂ© la prise de parti pris en vĂ©hiculant un message de tolĂ©rance religieuse.Was Huntington right when he stated that religion would be prone to divide? Far from claiming there is an increase in conflicts in the world, it is now obvious that the religious dimension takes a centre stage in conflicts. The case of Lebanon, North Ireland or ex-Yugoslavia, such classical cases exemplified this dimension in the exacerbation of conflicts. Nonetheless, this thesis is intended to clarify a particular situation; the case of Albania. Located in the Balkan region, Albania is regarded both as a genuine crossroads of religion and as a multi-confessional country. Yet it has never witnessed any religious conflicts. How can we explain that this State, being composed of Muslims, Orthodox Christians and Catholics, has never suffer from a religious conflict while the multi-confessional element is a contributing factor to conflict in other States? This paper is based on the assumption that there is a lack of political entrepreneurship. The post-communist Albania has managed to clearly separate religion from the political world. Indeed, the latter helped prevent partisanship by conveying a message on religious tolerance
Religieux et recherche stratégique
Issu d'un cycle de conférences co-organisé par l'IRSEM et le groupe Sociétés Religions et Laïcités de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes sur le site de l'Ecole militaire, ce numéro des Champs de Mars vise à réévaluer la place du facteur religieux dans les études stratégiques contemporaines. Deux tendances schématiques ont longtemps marqué l'analyse des Relations Internationales : des courants réalistes (classiques ou néo-réalistes) plus que rétifs à l'égard du religieux, une théorie du choc des civilisations qui élÚve celui-ci au statut de variable explicative de tous les conflits contemporains. Les recherches rassemblées ici prennent leur distance par rapport à ces deux perspectives. Prenant acte d'un effritement du nationalisme séculier, elles mettent en relief la politisation croissante des référents religieux et entendent, plus globalement, articuler les facteur religieux avec les contextes politiques. AprÚs une premiÚre partie qui propose une série d'outils analytiques, le lecteur découvrira la place du religieux dans des configurations stratégiques particuliÚres (Syrie et Irak, Liban, Israël, Palestine), puis une série d'acteurs religieux et leur rÎle (notamment les églises évangéliques américaines, la communauté Sant'Egidio, les rabbins israéliens, ...). En d'autres termes, ce numéro des Champs de Mars ambitionne de mieux intégrer le religieux dans la recherche stratégique.Introduction - Le croyant, le combattant, le savant : Réévaluer la place des religions dans les relations internationales
Philippe PORTIER et Frédéric RAMEL
Religions et conflits. Comment renouveler le cadre de lâanalyse ?
Elise FERON
Religion, identité et politique internationale
Brigitte VASSORT-ROUSSET
Conflits et religion : les cas de lâIrak et de la Syrie
Pierre-Jean LUIZARD
La mobilisation du religieux dans le conflit israélo-arabe
Alain DIECKHOFF
Le religieux au Liban : vecteur de lien, de violence et de conciliation
AĂŻda KANAFANI-ZAHAR
Le paradigme stratégique pakistanais au piÚge des paramÚtres religieux
Jean-Luc RACINE
Israël : le rÎle du facteur religieux juif dans le conflit israélo-arabe
Ilan GREILSAMMER
Les Ăglises Ă©vangĂ©liques amĂ©ricaines et la guerre au Moyen-Orient
SĂ©bastien FATH
« Câest diffĂ©rent des diplomates et des chercheurs ». GenĂšse et institutionnalisation dâun hybride : les mĂ©diations de SantâEgidio
Marie BALAS
Le dialogue interreligieux en IndonĂ©sie : de la rĂ©invention dâune tradition Ă sa projection internationale
Delphine ALLES
Le Conseil de lâEurope face Ă la diversitĂ© culturelle et religieuse
Jean-Paul WILLAIME<br
Les deux questions irlandaises du QueÌbec, 1898-1921 : des consideÌrations canadiennes-françaises et irlando-catholiques
This thesis explores two QueÌbec's Irish questions: the first pertains to the survival of the ethnic sentiment of Irishness in the province of QueÌbec at the beginning of the XX th century; the second looks at the impact of the political question of Ireland in QueÌbec, between 1898 and 1921. The social, political and cultural upheavals that occurred in Ireland between 1898 and 1921--leading to the partition of the island and to the creation of the Irish Free State and of Northern Ireland--, were of concern to both French-Canadians and Irish-Catholics of MontreÌal and QueÌbec City. It is no coincidence that the political question of Ireland had some impact in those communities. For numerous Irish-Catholic descendants of QueÌbec, ±feeling Irish» and identifying themselves as full-members of the provincial Irish-Catholic community, encouraged them to stay in touch with the events occurring in Ireland. The survival of Irishness would lead many of them to actively support the struggle for Irish autonomy by investing both their time and money into the cause. For numerous French-Canadians, the rise of Home Ruler or Sinn FeÌiner nationalism in Ireland would also echo the rise of French-Canadian political and cultural nationalism. Members of these two communities, active in the Vieille Capitale and in the Canadian metropolis of the time, then worked--sometimes jointly, sometimes independently--, for the ambiguous cause of the ±liberty of Ireland». However, various tensions between Irish-Catholics and French-Canadians, in the province of QueÌbec as well as in Canada, prevented the reconciliation of these important Catholic communities of QueÌbec. While the Irish question helped to foster a better understanding of each other, the internal divisions concerning different questions (such as the political future of Canada, or the use of the English language in Canada's parishes and schools) would continue to create animosities between these two QueÌbec coreligionists
Unite de travail en etudes sociales : caracteristiques des systems [sic] politiques et economiques de notre monde
2 v. : ill. ; 29 cm.This project is a Social Studies 30 Topic A teaching unit to be
used in French Immersion and francophone schools. It comprises a
teaching guide, a series of transparencies and a student's booklet
of readings. Topic A of Social Studies 30 inquires into
contemporary political and economic systems including liberal
democracies, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, and
capitalist, socialist and communist economic systems. During the
course of the unit, students should acquire a knowledge of the
principal characteristics, challenges and modifications of each
political and economic system. The unit also attempts to develop
creative and critical thinking skills and calls on students to
develop the ability to take and defend a position based on their
knowledge of both theory and practice.
This teaching unit is divided into four modules, namely,
1) values and fundamental principles
2) Political systems
3) Economic systems
4) Present and future mutations
Each module consists of three parts: a pedagogical guide setting
out a step-by-step procedure for the teacher to follow: a set of
transparencies which help the teacher organize the information
schematically and a student's reading book which contains readings
designed to supplement the texts identified as basic resources.
The sources of the readings range from newspaper and periodical
articles to official publications and excerpts from texts and
other works.
The teacher's guide explains the philosophy which undergirds the
various activities proposed as well as furnishes blue~prints for
each lesson. There is an attempt to keep the lessons provocative
and participatory in order to facilitate retention by the students
and to foster dialogue and critical thought.
AS the preface points out, the author takes full responsibility
for the contents of both the teacher's guide and the student's
reading booklet. The latter instrument contains a number of
articles taken from other sources including books, periodicals and
newspapers. Those not in French were translated by Nicole Kunzle.
The author, however, in addition to writing all articles not
attributed to another source, edited all translations and thereby
takes responsibility for their accuracy.Volume 1:
Appendices start at page 101, last text page before appendices is page T60.
Articles inserted between pages 107 and 108 are not numbered according to rest of book
Volume 2:
Pages 2, 44, 94, 122, 124, 254, 256, 280 were blank pages, not included in PDF
Carte d'identité et identités à la carte en France: le cas de l'intégration de la population harkie
The main purpose of this thesis is to examine whether the 'Harkis' and their offspring have
been or indeed can be fully integrated into French life.
It is not unusual for the 'Harkis' to express a feeling of belonging to the French, the 'Harki',
Beur and Algerian communities. The 'Harkis' are a diversified group. While some continue
to stress the specificity and uniqueness of their position in France, others insist on their
French citizenship. The absence of an overriding sense of common identity as a group should
therefore be stressed. The thesis will therefore examine the process of the 'Harkis' forming
their own identity, as well as the construction of such an identity by the French state through
the taxonomy and measures adopted since 1962. The thesis ultimately posits that the concept
of 'Frenchness' must be reconsidered and redefined. Can plural identities be promoted
without resulting in the destruction of the nation and the nation-state? Would the new, wider
context of Europe provide the framework within which pluralism could exist and a new
bonding 'social contract' be created
Les minorites dans les Balkans
Special Editions 111. Institute for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art