Working class in post-socialist transformation: Serbia and Croatia compared

Serbia and Croatia, both actors in civil wars during the 1990s, started their transformation by emerging from the same model of “liberal socialism”. The two countries had authoritarian regimes with nationalistic mobilization, and their respective transformations developed under the control of their political oligarchies. In addition to many similarities, there are also important differences which influenced their transformations. Croatia embarked upon its modernization earlier than Serbia, and was more developed economically. In contrast to Serbia, which suffered international political and economic isolation during the 1990s, Croatia enjoyed external support (making it more susceptible to external influences, to some extent) and moreover, was more opened to the world economically. This resulted in a faster economic recovery for Croatia, and accounts for the country’s substantially more favorable position in the EU integration processes. Based on joint research carried out in 1989 and 2003, this paper tries to establish the degree of influence of the stated similarities and differences on changes in position of the working class in these countries, and moreover, on class homogeneity (measured in terms of economic differentiation, vertical mobility, value orientations, and trade union and political organization)

Changes in the recruitment patterns of the economic and political elites in Serbia

U tekstu se analizira promena regrutacijskih obrazaca ekonomske i političke elite u Srbiji na osnovu podataka prikupljenih u našim anketnim istraživanjima u 1989, 1993. i 2004. godini. Naša hipoteza je da su se obrasci regrutacije elita promenili nakon promene političkog režima u 2000. godini, ali u drugačijem pravcu nego tokom 1990-ih. Iz dugoročne perspektive, očekujemo dalji porast značaja visokog obrazovanja za regrutaciju elita i izjednačavanje njegovog značaja za regrutaciju političke i ekonomske elite. S druge strane, očekujemo opadanje značaja pripadnosti vladajućim političkim partijama kod ekonomske elite, zajedno sa rastućim značajem društvenog umrežavanja u periodu produžene slabosti institucionalnog okruženja. Da bismo proverili našu opštu hipotezu opisaćemo među- i unutar-generacijske obrasce pokretljivosti. Značaj obrazovanja, pripadnosti političkim strankama i umrežavanja kao kanala pokretljivosti analiziramo putem modela logističke regresije. Takođe, poredimo promene u regrutacijskim obrascima elite sa promenama u obrascima pokretljivosti društvenih klasa u Srbiji, u periodu 1989-2004.In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites’ recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004

POSTSOCIALIST TRANSFORMATION AND RE-STRATIFICATION IN SERBIA

U tekstu se, na temelju nalaza više empirijskih istraživanja, analiziraju procesi restratifikacije u Srbiji, u periodu od kraja 1980-ih godina do novijeg vremena. U prvom delu teksta se upozorava da sistemska promena podrazumeva ne samo kvantitativne promene u kontroli i raspodeli društvenih resursa nego i promene u načinu konstituisanja osnovnih društvenih grupa, kao i oblika njihovih odnosa, što znači da se i same te grupe (vladajuće elite, srednji slojevi, pa i manuelni radnici) u socijalizmu i kapitalizmu moraju definisati na različit način. U drugom delu teksta ukazuje se na promene u tri područja stratifikacijskog sistema u Srbiji: pokretljivosti, ekonomskoj diferencijaciji i vrednosnim orijentacijama. Na području društvene pokretljivosti ustanovljen je rast samoregrutacije svih osnovnih klasa, a posebno porast barijera između manuelnih radnika i viših društvenih slojeva. Ukazano je i na povećanje ekonomske diferencijacije, kao i na rastući značaj privatnog vlasništva za tu diferencijaciju (izdvajanje velikih privatnih preduzetnika na vrhu hijerarhije materijalnog položaja). Pokazano je i da na vrednosnom planu sve klase (uključujući vladajuću i srednju) karakteriše vrednosna nekonzistencija, u vidu naglašenog prisustva etatističko-distributivnih vrednosti, što otežava proces konsolidovanja novog institucionalnog i normativnog (tržišnog i pluralističkog) poretka u Srbiji.In this article, the processes of re-stratification in Serbia during the period from the end of the 1980s until recent times are analyzed on the basis of findings of several empirical investigations. In the first part of the text, the author points out that a systemic change implies not only quantitative changes in the control and distribution of social resources, but also changes in the way of constituting the basic social groups, and the forms of their relations, which means that the groups themselves (ruling elites, middle classes, and even manual workers) in socialism and in capitalism must be defined differently. In the second part of the text, attention is drawn to the changes in three areas of the stratificational system in Serbia: mobility, economic differentiation and value orientations. In the field of social mobility, an increase of self-recruitment of all basic classes is established, but also, in particular, a strengthening of barriers between manual workers and higher social strata. Furthermore, the author points out an increase in economic differentiation, and a growing importance of private property to this differentiation (the singling out of major private entrepreneurs on the top of the material status hierarchy). It is shown that, on the level of values, all classes (including the ruling class and the middle class) are characterized by inconsistency, in terms of a pronounced presence of statist-distributive values, which hampers the process of consolidation of a new institutional and normative (market and pluralistic) order in Serbia

Limits of Reforms in Socialism

U tekstu se ispituju osnovni uslovi u kojima su moguće reforme u socijalističkim zemljama. Granice koje reforme ne mogu da pređu određene su prirodom vladaj ućih društvenih odnosa. Kolektivno-vlasničko plansko regulisanje totaliteta društvene reprodukcije predstavlja centralni element tih odnosa. Stoga i sve reforme u sistemu posreduje vladajuća klasa. Pošto je socijalizam u osnovi statičan sistem, podsticajli za promene stižu pre svega spolja, iz borbe za opstanak sa epohalno dominantnim kapitalističkim načinom proizvodnje. Imanentni antagonizmi, međuklasni i unutar klase kolektivnih vlasnika, predstavljaju unutrašnje uzroke reformama. Analiziraju se i osnovni oblici reformi. U ekonomiji to je decentralizacija, koja znači preraspodelu komandnih ovlašćenja između viših i nižih instanci vladajuće hijerarhije (dok je autonomija preduzeća u principu isključena). Unutar političkih odnosa stvarna kontrola nikada ne može biti prepuštena nižim instancama (a pogotovo »narodu«), jer bi to razorilo jedinstven hijerarhijski princip organizacije kolektivno-vlasmičke klase. U duhovnoj proizvodnji granicu »liberalizacije« čini održanje legitimiteta klasne dominacije.The author analyzes the basic conditions in which reforms in socialist countries are possible. The nature of dominant social relations represents the limit for any attempted reform. Planned regulation of the totality of social reproduction, executed by the class of collective owners, is the central element of these relations. All reforms of the system are accordingly mediated by the ruling class. Socialism is basically a static system and the stimulation for a change comes in the first place from the outside — from competition with historically dominant capitalist mode of production. Intrinsic antagonism, interclass and inside the ruling class are inner causes of reforms. Basic forms of changes are further analyzed too. In economics it means decentralization, that is redistribution of command authority between higher and lower levels of the ruling hierarchy (the autonomy of enterprises is in principle excluded). In politics real control could not be ceded to lower layers (especially not to »people«) as this would destroy the hierarchy of the class of collective owners. In culture the limit of »liberalization« is represented by the maintenance of the legitimacy of class domination

A General Sources of Social Crisis in Real Socialism – Theses

U radu se iznose osnovni uzroci društvenih kriza koji djeluju u zemljama realnog socijalizma. Apostrofiraju se strukturalni elementi koji utječu na pojavu kriza. U tom se smislu analiziraju kontradikcije koje postoje unutar vladajućih društvenih odnosa. Kao konstantne izvore krize autor navodi i pogrešno planiranje, nisku produktivnost rada, asocijacije između centralizacije i decentralizacije, odnos prema kapitalizmu, militariziciju sistema, nedostatak inherentnih adaptivnih dinamičkih mehanizama, itd.In this article the author makes an analysis of the major sources of social crisis in the countries of so-called real socialism. The author emphasis the structural elements which produce the crisis and the different contradictions within the systems, as for example are: wrong planning, low work productivity, oscillation between centralization and decentralization, the militarization of the system, non-existence of the inherent adaptive dynamic mechanisms, etc

Mobility and Homogenization of the Ruling Class in Croatia

Na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja vertikalne pokretljivosti autor analizira neke faktore koji vode povećanju ili smanjenju homogenizacije vladajuće klase kolektivnih vlasnika. Ispituje se socijalna distanca koju politički rukovodioci i direktori prevaljuju pre svog izbora na položaj. Dok je ranije vlađajuća klasa bila otvorena, vremenom sve više jača »pravilo bližih kontakata«: u nju se mobilišu pretežno pripadnici posredne klase i samo »elitne« kategorije radništva i to u najniže slojeve klase (što jača homogenost vladajuće klase). Analizira se i dob u kojoj se ulazi u klasu. Zbog vezanosti položaja za konkretnu funkciju, raniji ulazak u klasu znači mogućnost čvršće identifikacije neposrednih ličnih interesa i opštih klasnih interesa. Vremenom se, međutim, u vladajuću klasu ulazi u sve starijoj dobi, što otežava njenu homogenizaciju. Najzad, analizira se stabilnost klasnog položaja i nalazi da se ona vremenom povećava i to naročito za sloj direktora.Using results of a survey of vertical mobility author analyzes some factors which increase or decrease homogeneity of the class of collective owners. Social distance is studied which political leaders and economic managers cross before reaching their actual positions. During first decades the ruling class was an open group. But in time »the rule of close contacts-« started to prevail: in the class are predominantly mobilized members of the mediate class and only the elite members of the workers (and the latter only into the lowest strata of the ruling class). In this way the homogeneity of the class has been increasing. The age of entering the class is also analyzed. Because of the dependence of a position on a concrete function, the earlier an individual enters the class the stronger identification of immediate personal interests and general class interests is possible. In time, however, individuals enter the class in older and older age and homogenization is more difficult. At last, the stability of class positions is analyzed: in time it has. been increasing, particularly the position of managers

POSTSOCIALIST TRANSFORMATION AND RE-STRATIFICATION IN SERBIA

U tekstu se, na temelju nalaza više empirijskih istraživanja, analiziraju procesi restratifikacije u Srbiji, u periodu od kraja 1980-ih godina do novijeg vremena. U prvom delu teksta se upozorava da sistemska promena podrazumeva ne samo kvantitativne promene u kontroli i raspodeli društvenih resursa nego i promene u načinu konstituisanja osnovnih društvenih grupa, kao i oblika njihovih odnosa, što znači da se i same te grupe (vladajuće elite, srednji slojevi, pa i manuelni radnici) u socijalizmu i kapitalizmu moraju definisati na različit način. U drugom delu teksta ukazuje se na promene u tri područja stratifikacijskog sistema u Srbiji: pokretljivosti, ekonomskoj diferencijaciji i vrednosnim orijentacijama. Na području društvene pokretljivosti ustanovljen je rast samoregrutacije svih osnovnih klasa, a posebno porast barijera između manuelnih radnika i viših društvenih slojeva. Ukazano je i na povećanje ekonomske diferencijacije, kao i na rastući značaj privatnog vlasništva za tu diferencijaciju (izdvajanje velikih privatnih preduzetnika na vrhu hijerarhije materijalnog položaja). Pokazano je i da na vrednosnom planu sve klase (uključujući vladajuću i srednju) karakteriše vrednosna nekonzistencija, u vidu naglašenog prisustva etatističko-distributivnih vrednosti, što otežava proces konsolidovanja novog institucionalnog i normativnog (tržišnog i pluralističkog) poretka u Srbiji.In this article, the processes of re-stratification in Serbia during the period from the end of the 1980s until recent times are analyzed on the basis of findings of several empirical investigations. In the first part of the text, the author points out that a systemic change implies not only quantitative changes in the control and distribution of social resources, but also changes in the way of constituting the basic social groups, and the forms of their relations, which means that the groups themselves (ruling elites, middle classes, and even manual workers) in socialism and in capitalism must be defined differently. In the second part of the text, attention is drawn to the changes in three areas of the stratificational system in Serbia: mobility, economic differentiation and value orientations. In the field of social mobility, an increase of self-recruitment of all basic classes is established, but also, in particular, a strengthening of barriers between manual workers and higher social strata. Furthermore, the author points out an increase in economic differentiation, and a growing importance of private property to this differentiation (the singling out of major private entrepreneurs on the top of the material status hierarchy). It is shown that, on the level of values, all classes (including the ruling class and the middle class) are characterized by inconsistency, in terms of a pronounced presence of statist-distributive values, which hampers the process of consolidation of a new institutional and normative (market and pluralistic) order in Serbia

Making a new consensual elite in Serbia

The text firstly addresses the thesis that systemic transformation – from a socialist to a capitalist order – changes both the preconditions on the basis of which political elite is constituted, and its main characteristics. Considering the specific course of transformation in Serbia, this indicates the difficulties for the transformation of its divided political elite – characterizing the aftermath of the breakdown of socialism – into a consensual elite that represents a type prevailing in liberal-democratic systems. The political elite in Serbia may thus be defined as primarily fragmented, with initial elements of consensuality. The main thesis is examined through an analysis of the changes in the character of political elites at two different levels: subjective, regarding their attitudes towards the EU based on 2007 and 2009 IntUne data; and objective (patterns of recruitment of their members based on 1989, 2003 and 2015 data on intra – and intergenerational mobility). The main findings reveal the gradual (although not yet completed) consolidation of political elites regarding their attitudes towards the EU, but also changing patterns of elite members’ recruitment based on political competition and the increasing self-reproduction of the ruling elites, indicating the formation of biased pluralism

An Analysis of Energy Efficient Data Transfer between Mobile Device and Dedicated Server

This paper discusses research results with regard to energy-efficient transmission of serialised data between servers and mobile devices. A test environment was created in which the research authors primarily measured electricity consumption during communication between a mobile device and server. Numerical results were used to determine how well data serialisation was performed on a dedicated server and its effects on the power consumption of a mobile device. The time spent in data serialisation and the size of the serialised file were found to significantly influence energy consumption. Based on that fact, results have been used to create a mathematical model which was later introduced with functional forms. The main variables in those functional forms were time of serialisation and size of a serialised file. The data collected through this research has been used for an experimental API-CB Saver, which based on mathematical models chooses the most favourable manner of serialisation and compression in real time. The results collected during the tests show that the CBSaver-Api approach performs with greater energy efficiency than current techniques. Furthermore, with optimal selection of data serialisation type and compression level in real time the considered system shows better performance in power saving. According to the results, the API-CBSaver tests indicate the direction which one should take for the purposes of improving energy efficiency

Determination of weight loss and temperature of broiler carcasses during air cooling with intermittent water spraying: Case study

The aim of this study was to determine the broiler carcasses weight loss and temperature during air cooling with intermittent water spraying (3.1 m sec-1, -1.5°C, 120 min) in order to optimize the poultry chilling process. Weight and temperature of broiler carcasses were measured before and after cooling. Measurements were made once a week (during six weeks) on randomly selected broiler carcasses (eight carcasses per week) on the slaughterline. The most common broiler hybrids on the domestic market were used in the study (Ross-308, Cobb 500), of different ages (34 to 41 days old), which had been transported 70 to 260 km to the slaughterhouse. In broilers originating from flocks with higher average bird live body weight (2.2 to 2.4 kg), which were held longer (41 days), slight weight losses of carcasses occurred (0.32 to 0.76%) after cooling. On the other hand, broilers which were held 34-38 days with smaller average bird live weight (1.58 to 2.1 kg) produced slight increases in carcass weights after cooling (0 to 2.18%). Temperatures of the broiler carcasses before cooling ranged from 33.00 to 41.37°C and after cooling were from 1.58 to 5.46°C. The achieved temperature of broiler carcasses depended on carcass size, and was adequate (0 to 4°C) for broilers weighing less than 2.13 kg, but carcasses of larger birds did not meet temperature regulations. The transport length influenced weight loss of live broilers, but did not affect the weight loss of broiler carcasses after cooling. Also no differences were observed in accordance to the broiler hybrid type used (Ross-308, Cobb 500)