The roles and values of wild foods in agricultural systems

Almost every ecosystem has been amended so that plants and animals can be used as food, fibre, fodder, medicines, traps and weapons. Historically, wild plants and animals were sole dietary components for hunter–gatherer and forager cultures. Today, they remain key to many agricultural communities. The mean use of wild foods by agricultural and forager communities in 22 countries of Asia and Africa (36 studies) is 90–100 species per location. Aggregate country estimates can reach 300–800 species (e.g. India, Ethiopia, Kenya). The mean use of wild species is 120 per community for indigenous communities in both industrialized and developing countries. Many of these wild foods are actively managed, suggesting there is a false dichotomy around ideas of the agricultural and the wild: hunter–gatherers and foragers farm and manage their environments, and cultivators use many wild plants and animals. Yet, provision of and access to these sources of food may be declining as natural habitats come under increasing pressure from development, conservation-exclusions and agricultural expansion. Despite their value, wild foods are excluded from official statistics on economic values of natural resources. It is clear that wild plants and animals continue to form a significant proportion of the global food basket, and while a variety of social and ecological drivers are acting to reduce wild food use, their importance may be set to grow as pressures on agricultural productivity increase.</jats:p

Pre-Columbian land use in the ring-ditch region of the Bolivian Amazon

The nature and extent of pre-Columbian (pre-1492 AD) human impact in Amazonia is a contentious issue. The Bolivian Amazon has yielded some of the most impressive evidence for large and complex pre-Columbian societies in the Amazon basin, yet there remains relatively little data concerning the land use of these societies over time. Palaeoecology, when integrated with archaeological data, has the potential to fill these gaps in our knowledge. We present a 6,000-year record of anthropogenic burning, agriculture and vegetation change, from an oxbow lake located adjacent to a pre-Columbian ring-ditch in north-east Bolivia (13°15’44” S, 63°42’37” W). Human occupation around the lake site is inferred from pollen and phytoliths of maize (Zea mays L.) and macroscopic charcoal evidence of anthropogenic burning. First occupation around the lake was radiocarbon dated to ~2500 years BP. The persistence of maize in the record from ~1850 BP suggests that it was an important crop grown in the ringditch region in pre-Columbian times, and abundant macroscopic charcoal suggests that pre-Columbian land management entailed more extensive burning of the landscape than the slash-and-burn agriculture practised around the site today. The site was occupied continuously until near-modern times, although there is evidence for a decline in agricultural intensity or change in land use strategy, and possible population decline, from ~600-500 BP. The long and continuous occupation, which predates the establishment of rainforest in the region, suggests that pre-Columbian land use may have had a significant influence on ecosystem development at this site over the last ~2000 years

Hunting and fishing focus among the Miskito Indians, eastern Nicaragua

The amounts of native animals taken in hunting and fishing by Amerind peoples are almost unknown. The interrelationships of cultural and ecological systems determine to a large extent hunting and fishing returns, focus, and strategies. This study presents data obtained in a coastal Miskito Indian village in eastern Nicaragua. Measurements were made of meat yields by species and of the time and distance inputs involved in securing fish and game. Hunting and fishing focus and strategies are adaptive mechanisms enabling the Miskito to achieve high and dependable returns from a limited number of species. Several factors are examined which influence hunting and fishing focus: dietary preferences and prohibitions, costs involved, differential productivity and dependability of particular species, seasonality and scheduling, and the impact of cash market opportunities for faunal resources. Under the impetus of population growth and rising aspirations, the Miskito's efforts to secure increasing numbers of animals for both subsistence and market are leading to severe pressures on selected species and to cultural and ecological disruptions .Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/44475/1/10745_2005_Article_BF01791280.pd

A arqueologia dos fermentados: a etílica história dos Tupi-Guarani

O consumo de bebidas fermentadas é geralmente negligenciado pela literatura arqueológica, que trata a questão como tema de interesse secundário (recreativo) na história das populações humanas. Entretanto, a literatura etnográfica das sociedades indígenas das terras baixas sul-americanas indica exatamente o oposto: é o alimento vegetal sólido e não alcoólico que tende a possuir um papel secundário na vida cotidiana e ritualística de diversos coletivos. Os dados arqueológicos aprofundam temporalmente essa relação entre o ser humano e os fermentados. Além disso, os vasos cerâmicos arqueológicos utilizados para o preparo e consumo desses fermentados são fundamentais para a compreensão de processos e eventos históricos que modelaram a dispersão de uma série de grupos pelo continente

Disease: A Hitherto Unexplored Constraint on the Spread of Dogs (Canis lupus familiaris) in Pre-Columbian South America

Although debate continues, there is agreement that dogs (Canis lupus familiaris) were first domesticated in Eurasia, spreading from there to other parts of the world. However, while that expansion already extended as far as Europe, China, and North America by the early Holocene, dogs spread into (and south of) the tropics only much later. In South America, for example, the earliest well attested instances of their presence do not reach back much beyond 3000 cal. BC, and dogs were still absent from large parts of the continent – Amazonia, the Gran Chaco, and much of the Southern Cone – at European contact. Previous explanations for these patterns have focused on cultural choice, the unsuitability of dogs for hunting certain kinds of tropical forest prey, and otherwise unspecified environmental hazards, while acknowledging that Neotropical lowland forests witness high rates of canine mortality. Building on previous work in Sub-Saharan Africa (Mitchell 2015) and noting that the dog’s closest relatives, the grey wolf (C. lupus) and the coyote (C. latrans), were likewise absent from South and most of Central America in Pre- Columbian times, this paper explores instead the possibility that infectious disease constrained the spread of dogs into Neotropical environments. Four diseases are considered, all likely to be native and/or endemic to South America: canine distemper, canine trypanosomiasis, canine rangeliosis, and canine visceral leishmaniasis caused by infection with Leishmania amazonensis and L. colombiensis. The paper concludes by suggesting ways in which the hypothesis that disease constrained the expansion of dogs into South America can be developed further

Anarchism out west: some reflections on sources

The ‘West’ of the title provides a hook for discussing three contacts with anarchist thought. The first contact is a personal one with Ammon Hennacy and Bruce Utah Phillips, two figures of the small world of Salt Lake City anarchism of the 1960s (way out West of the Rockies). The second contact is with an idealized conception of Amazonians as exemplars of a kind of anarchist sociality imagined as a retrievable model (way out in the interior of Brazil/South America). The third contact is with a strand of rationalist-naturalist thought closely associated with Chomsky, and its exclusion from anthropology (way out in the EthnoWest)

Amazonian Dark Earths in Western Amazonia?

Western Amazonia is a large region that includes a global biodiversity hotspot (the Yasuni National Park) and which still retains large tracts of intact native rainforest. Along the Napo River (Fig. 1), which originates in the Ecuadorian eastern lowlands and discharges into the Peruvian reaches of the Amazon River, current human settlement is uneven and highly dispersed. In Ecuador, towns are associated with the encroachment of oil extraction activities and the expansion of the agricultural frontier; small villages are found along an expanding road network and also dot the banks of the main rivers; and small groups of nomadic peoples, some in voluntary isolation from our industrialised society, inhabit the rugged interfluvial terrain beyond the main rivers. In Peru, small villages dot the middle reaches of the Napo River and its main tributaries, and there are also reports of indigenous groups in voluntary isolation. Larger settlements become more prevalent in the lower Napo, closer to the Amazon River and within reach of the road network leading to the Peruvian city of Iquitos