Is There Solidarity on Asylum and Migration in the EU?

Solidarity is one of the core values of the European Union and has been recognised as a guiding principle of the EU asylum policy since the coming into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam. It is now incorporated into Article 80 TFEU, which provides that EU policies on border checks, asylum and immigration must be ‘governed by the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility, including its financial implications, between the Member States’. The need for solidarity in the area of asylum and migration stems from the fact that some Member States have more asylum seekers than others, some have more refugees than others, and some have more difficulties in coping with them for a number of geographic, economic and other reasons. A range of measures could be used to support the functioning of solidarity, such as: financial assistance, practical cooperation, relocation, resettlement, and joint processing. This paper will discuss the potentials and (limited) progress in applying some of these measures. It will start by discussing Member States’ obligations towards refugees under international and EU asylum law. The discussion will then move on to identifying the meaning of solidarity, its value in practice and Member States’ motivations for establishing solidarity mechanisms. Potential differences between solidarity, burden-sharing and responsibility-sharing will also be considered. Divergent perspectives on the solidarity existing in different Member States with and without external borders will also be taken into account. The paper will conclude by discussing potential prospects on solidarity in the context of the problematic relation between the Dublin ‘state of first entry’ rule and the application of the principle of solidarity

The Rule of Law, the Force of Law and the Power of Money in the EU

This paper discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the rule of law conditionality contained in the Proposal for a Regulation on the protection of the Union’s budget in case of generalised deficiencies as regards the rule of law in the Member States. The proposed Regulation establishes a link between a Member State’s violation of the rule of law and the suspension of EU payments. The text examines the effects of the connection between the rule of law and EU money, both for the erring Member State and for the EU as a whole. The discussion shows that, despite the fact that the EU-level approach to the rule of law has significant benefits, it, at the same time, creates new risks. It may undermine the balance of powers in the EU by expanding the political and economic power of certain Member States over others, the power of EU institutions over Member States, and the power of the European Commission over other EU institutions. It is also questionable whether there is a sufficiently strong causal relation between the rule of law deficiency and threats to the EU’s financial interests. Most importantly, it is uncertain to what extent the rule of law conditionality will lead to the true transformation of negative, anti-rule-of-law trends in some Member States, which raises the question of whether the Rule of Law Proposal is capable of responding to the current challenges

TRANSITIONAL ARRANGEMENTS IN THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN UNION: HOW FREE IS THE FREE MOVEMENT OF WORKERS?

This paper questions the necessity and legitimacy of transitional arrangements in the field of free movement of workers imposed on the ten Central and Eastern European states which joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. It addresses the issue of free movement of labour in the enlarged Union in the context of the policy reasoning behind such transitional arrangements. Present transitional periods are contrasted with other solutions (such as allowing immigration quotas), which would have been politically fairer and psychologically wiser in confronting the arguments on the divide between ‘first class’ and ‘second class’ EU membership. The paper suggests that the results of the most recent studies, showing that the fears of the old Member States were mostly unfounded and that economic and social benefits result from the free movement of workers in the EU, should be taken into consideration for the next enlargement

Digital media, governance, and the making of youth in contemporary China

Drawing on the idea of governance through the media, this chapter examines the way in which reality shows in contemporary China have imbued Chinese youth with a social consciousness conducive to the state pursuit of industrial modernity. Using the popular reality TV programme Produce 101 as a case study, it investigates the appropriation of neoliberal principles in maintaining an equilibrium between personal and social responsibility – a balance that lies at the heart of discourse around the China Dream. It argues that reality talent shows in China function within a larger framework of governance that surreptitiously appropriates the neoliberal logic of autonomy and meritocracy, repackaging these ideals into a tool for advancing the welfare of the collective. As such, these media spectacles function as a modern bard that confirms shared values, cultural assumptions and socio-economic aspirations of the nation. Ultimately, these shows reveal how governance in contemporary China largely rejects the traditional neoliberal assumption that the free market is capable of maximising social good, and instead co-opts neoliberalism’s language of individualism in a way that marries personal aspirations with those of the nation

Metabolisches Profiling mittels NMR-Spektroskopie zur Vorhersage einer zukünftigen Proteinurie bei Diabetikern mit chronischer Nierenerkrankung

Die diabetische Nephropathie (DN) ist eine schwerwiegende Komplikation des Diabetes, die durch Veränderungen in Struktur und Funktion der Nieren verursacht wird und zu einer drastisch erhöhten Morbidität und Mortalität führt. Ungefähr ein Drittel aller Typ 1 und Typ 2 Diabetiker erkranken wiederum an diabetischer Nephropathie. Dies betont die Wichtigkeit diagnostischer Biomarker für die Früherkennung der DN. Daher war das Ziel dieser Promotionsarbeit mögliche Biomarker für Proteinurie im Plasma und Urin mittels NMR-Spektroskopie zu identifizieren. Die dafür verwendeten Biomaterialien der 223 ausgewählten Patienten stammen aus dem Pool der GCKD-Studie. Es wurden zwei Gruppen gebildet (Gruppe „MIT“: Patienten weisen nach 4 Jahren eine Proteinurie auf; Gruppe „OHNE“: Patienten weisen keine Proteinurie nach 4 Jahren auf) und statistisch miteinander verglichen. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit wurden die Plasma-Spektren zum Baselinezeitpunkt 0 auf 25 im Blut vorkommende Metaboliten mit Hilfe der Software Chenomx quantifiziert und p-Werte ermittelt. Die Konzentrationen von Kreatinin lag in der Gruppe MIT signifikant höher, von Phenylalanin signifikant niedriger als in der Gruppe OHNE (p=0,027 respektive 0,018), die allerdings nach der Korrektur für multiples Testen nach der Methode von Benjamini und Hochberg kein Signifikanzniveau mehr erreichten (Kreatinin: 0,26; Phenylalanin: 0,26). Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit wurden die Urin-Spektren zum Baselinezeitpunkt 0 im Sinne einer Screeningstudie mit der Software AMIX analysiert und unspezifisch im gesamten erfassten Spektrum nach signifikanten Unterschieden zwischen den beiden Gruppen im Bucketingverfahren gesucht. 12 von 900 Buckets wurden nach dem durchgeführten T- Test als signifikant abweichend angesehen, erreichten jedoch nach der Korrektur für multiples Testen (p-Wert=0,9981 für alle Buckets) kein Signifikanzniveau mehr. Potenzielle mit diesen Spektralbereichen korrelierende Metaboliten (Analyse mit Chenomx) waren Methylhydantoin und Dimethylamin. Abschließend lässt sich bemerken, dass in unserer Studie lediglich Trends zu beobachten waren, die jedoch interessante Marker für größer angelegte prospektive Studien aufzeigen, um deren Stellenwert genau zu etablieren

The Dark Side of Free Movement: When Individual and Social Interests Clash

Pravo na slobodu kretanja jedno je od najpozitivnijih postignuća europske integracije. Ovaj rad želi upozoriti na kontradiktorne učinke tog prava, posebice u novim državama članica Srednje i Istočne Europe, uključujući i Hrvatsku. Pravo na slobodu kretanja radnika stvara brojne pogodnosti za radnike migrante i za EU u cjelini jer omogućuje slobodno kretanje radnika iz područja s visokom nezaposlenošću u područja u kojima postoji potražnja za radnicima. No ne treba podcijeniti socijalne, ekonomske i političke učinke tog prava na države članice iz kojih radnici odlaze. Cilj je ovog rada istražiti što je do sada učinjeno i koje nove mjere na europskoj razini treba uvesti kako bi se ublažili negativni učinci te slobode. Autori obrazlažu da rješenje nije u ograničenju slobode kretanja, već – upravo suprotno – u viziji snažnije europske integracije koja bi imala za cilj smanjenje razlika olakšavanjem razvoja regija koja zaostaju. U tom se kontekstu tekst osvrće na korištenje postojećih i mogućnost uvođenja novih EU fondova, na mogućnost rekonceptualizacije pojma građanstva Unije i upućuje na potrebu potpune primjene Europskog stupa socijalnih prava. Rad se sastoji od četiri dijela. Nakon uvodnog poglavlja, u drugom se dijelu opisuju nedavni trendovi te pokretači i učinci mobilnosti unutar EU-a. Treći dio istražuje koje su mjere do sada korištene kako bi se umanjili negativni učinci slobode kretanja radnika. Zaključno poglavlje iznosi prijedloge novih politika te objašnjava zašto bi kombinacija nacionalnih i europskih mjera bila optimalna.Free movement rights have been some of the most positive achievements of EU integration. However, this paper points to the contradictory effects of these rights, especially in Central and Eastern European countries, including Croatia. Free movement of workers creates numerous benefits for the emigrating population and for the EU as a whole as it enables free circulation of labour from places with high unemployment to places where there is a need for labour. However, the social, economic and political downsides for the sending Member States should not be underestimated. This paper aims to explore what has been done so far and which new EU-level measures need to be introduced to mitigate the negative effects of free movement, without restricting it. The text argues that free movement is an important and positive achievement of EU integration, whose downsides should not be utilised or politicised to argue in favour of limiting free movement rights. On the contrary, the answer is not to restrict free movement rights, but to reflect on further EU integration that would aim to reduce regional disparities in the Union by facilitating the development of EU regions that are lagging behind. The chapter is structured in four sections. Following the introductory section, the second section concentrates on recent trends, and on the triggers and effects of intra-EU mobility. The third section explores what initiatives, studies and measures have been employed so far – both at the EU and national levels – to diminish the negative effects of free movement. The concluding section explains why a combination of national and EU measures would be optimal to respond to the downsides of free movement of labour. This section also puts forward various policy proposals that could be employed in the future, such as the reconceptualisation of Union citizenship and the full implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights, and/or the introduction of new EU-level financial measures that could mitigate the negative effects of free movement, without restricting it

Einreise- und Aufenthaltsrecht von Bürgern aus Drittstaaten in Kroatien im Kontext der Annäherung an die Europäische Union

Jedno od područja usklađivanja pravnog sustava Republike Hrvatske s acquis communautaire svakako su i pitanja ulaska i boravka državljana trećih država na teritoriju Hrvatske. Tom se problematikom bavi ovaj rad, pristupajući joj iz perspektive njezinih pravnih, političkih i praktičnih implikacija, a ne analizom samog tehničkog procesa usklađivanja. Posebno težište analize stavljeno je na izazove i probleme koji se javljaju prilikom harmonizacije tog područja s pravnom stečevinom, stavljajući navedenu problematiku u kontekst migracijske politike i prava državljana trećih država u Europskoj uniji.One of the areas of harmonisation of the legal system of the Republic of Croatia with the acquis are by all means the issues of entry and residence of third country nationals in the territory of the Republic of Croatia. This article deals with this problem from the perspective of its legal, political and practical implications without analysing the technical process of harmonisation itself. Special attention is paid to the challenges and problems which occur in the course of harmonisation of this area with the acquis in the context of migration policy and rights of third country nationals in the European Union. Besides the introductory part and conclusion, the article includes six topics. The first part deals with the problem of temporary residence and the second part with the problem of permanent residence in general. Then follows the analysis of entry and residence of third country nationals for special purposes: employment and self-employment, as well as education. The third part analyses the issue of family reunification, while the final chapter deals with the issues connected with non-discrimination and integration of the third country nationals who lawfully reside in the territory of the Republic of Croatia.Ein eigenes Gebiet innerhalb der Angleichung des Rechtssystems der Republik Kroatien an den Acquis communautaire bilden Fragen bezüglich der Einreise und des Aufenthalts von Bürgern aus Drittstaaten auf dem Territorium der Republik Kroatien. Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit dieser Problematik unter dem Blickwinkel ihrer rechtlichen, politischen und praktischen Bedeutung; eine Analyse des eigentlichen technischen Anpassungsprozesses ist jedoch nicht das Ziel. Der besondere Schwerpunkt in dieser Erörterung gilt den Herausforderungen und Problemen, die sich bei der Harmonisierung dieses Bereiches mit dem Acquis ergeben, wobei die Problematik im Kontext der Migrationspolitik und der Rechte von Bürgern aus Drittstaaten in der Europäischen Union bearbeitet wird. Neben einer Einführung und einem Schlussteil umfasst die Arbeit sechs thematische Abschnitte. Im ersten Abschnitt wird die Problematik des vorübergehenden, im zweiten die des ständigen Aufenthalts im Allgemeinen behandelt. Es folgt eine Analyse der Einreise und des Aufenthalts von Bürgern aus Drittstaaten zu besonderen Zwecken: Beschäftigung und selbstständige Erwerbstätigkeit sowie Studium. Im fünften Abschnitt wird der Problemkreis der Familienzusammenführung erörtert, während sich der abschließende Abschnitt mit Fragen im Zusammenhang mit dem Diskriminierungsverbot und der Integration von Bürgern aus Drittstaaten mit rechtmäßigem Aufenthalt auf dem Territorium der Republik Kroatien beschäftigt