Edward Heath et la refus du thatchérisme

Le 11 février 1975 Heath perdit l’élection au poste de chef du Parti Conservateur et céda sa place à Margaret Thatcher. Cette date marque le point d’ancrage d’un processus de marginalisation volontaire au travers duquel Heath marqua son opposition à Thatcher et son refus du Thatchérisme. Pendant les quinze ans de l’ère Thatcher, Heath endossa le rôle du dissident révolté et devint selon John Campbell “the embodiment of anti-Thatcherism.” Nous verrons à cette occasion que si son entreprise de dissidence suivit des mécanismes classiques – négation de l’autorité du leader, refus de sa légitimité, critique systématique de son action – elle n’en offre pas moins un intéressant renversement des codes. Son entrée en dissidence fut bien plus qu’une opposition à un adversaire politique, elle fut un moyen d’existence et de renaissance. Le pouvoir a muselé Heath, la dissidence l’a libéré. Heath s’est posé en s’opposant et s’est révélé en se rebellant. Son expérience de la dissidence offre ainsi un éclairage original sur une notion trop souvent associée aux concepts d’oppression ou de clandestinité. Heath fut le seul vrai résistant à Thatcher et il reste encore à ce jour dans le paysage politique britannique une figure essentielle de la dissidence et de la rébellion. Il sera intéressant de se pencher sur ses années de révolte – encore peu étudiées à ce jour – et de voir comment il construisit son opposition à un leader que rien ne semblait atteindre et comment elle s’opéra à l’intérieur d’un parti connu pour être peu tolérant des actes de dissensions et de déloyauté

Innovation processes and industrial districts

In this survey, we examine the operations of innovation processes within industrial districts by exploring the ways in which differentiation, specialization, and integration affect the generation, diffusion, and use of new knowledge in such districts. We begin with an analysis of the importance of the division of labour and then investigate the effects of social embeddedness on innovation. We also consider the effect of forms of organization within industrial districts at various stages of product and process life, and we examine the negative aspects of embeddedness for innovation. We conclude with a discussion of the possible consequences of new information and communications technologies on innovation in industrial districts

“And sent him homeward tae think again”: UCS, Edward Heath et la résurgence du militantisme écossais

On 29th July 1971, John Davies announced in the House of Commons the bankruptcy of Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, the shipyard that was the pride of Scottish industry. The Conservative Government of Edward Heath had been elected a year earlier on a platform of non-intervention in the industrial sector and had promised the end of state subsidies to “lame duck” enterprises. The Government showed, at first, a resolute determination to stick to its free market policy, but on 28th February 1972, Davies informed the House that the Government would give £35 million to the company to save jobs and avoid closing down the yards. Thus, the rescue of UCS decisively ended the Government’s policy of disengagement and marked the beginning of a remarkable turnaround. On the other hand, this episode also sheds light on a very unusual industrial conflict which has now taken on an almost symbolic dimension, for it remains a unique and historical struggle to save an industry and a nation. Backed by the powerful and charismatic leadership of Jimmy Reid, a Communist shop steward, the workers of UCS contrived a new form of industrial action to resist governmental control: they established a work-in instead of a traditional strike. Scottish unions assumed a more radical and leftist-orientated dimension. With renewed influence, the Communists helped contribute to the successful outcome of the conflict and the capitulation of the Government. The resurgence of Scottish unions and the recovery of Scottish nationalism were significant first steps in the new political process, since, on the heels of the fight for UCS, a new struggle against unemployment and recession ensued. Indeed, the Government’s acquiescence does not merely represent a victory for the working class over the ruling class. It represents a victory for Scotland over England, and a humiliating defeat for Edward at the hands of the Scottish, and thus echoes one of Scotland’s most glorious moments of history

Hunting for Isocurvature Modes in the CMB non-Gaussianities

We investigate new shapes of local primordial non-Gaussianities in the CMB. Allowing for a primordial isocurvature mode along with the main adiabatic one, the angular bispectrum is in general a superposition of six distinct shapes: the usual adiabatic term, a purely isocurvature component and four additional components that arise from correlations between the adiabatic and isocurvature modes. We present a class of early Universe models in which various hierarchies between these six components can be obtained, while satisfying the present upper bound on the isocurvature fraction in the power spectrum. Remarkably, even with this constraint, detectable non-Gaussianity could be produced by isocurvature modes. We finally discuss the prospects of detecting these new shapes with the Planck satellite.Comment: 9 pages, 2 figure

Edward Heath: The Failed Leadership of an Uninspiring Leader

International audienceThe question of leadership in contemporary Western democracies is a fascinating subject for the historian as it explores the emergence of a man or woman inside a party and the unique relationship he or she builds with the people. Leadership is commonly associated to Max Weber’s theory of ‘charismatic leadership’ (Weber, 1995) and according to the French philosopher Jean-Claude Monod there is a persistence of the politics of charisma in contemporary democracies. (Monod, 2012: 58) Thus, leadership seems to be essentially construed around positive notions of power, success, domination and authority. Yet there exist other forms of leadership worthy of analytical exploration and the rationale of this article will be the failed leadership of the British Prime Minister Edward Heath. Edward Heath was leader of the Conservative party for ten years, Prime Minister for four years and member of parliament for nearly 50 years. Yet, today few people remember Edward Heath. The Conservative pantheon is inhabited by the great and imposing figures of Churchill, Macmillan or Thatcher but Heath has completely disappeared from the Conservative memory. At the heart of this exclusion lies the utter and complete disaster of his years in power. Yet, Heath was certainly a pioneer in many domains. He was the man who first talked of a devolved assembly in Scotland, the man who had Britain join the European Union in 1973, the man who launched a comprehensive reform of trade unions well before Margaret Thatcher. But history only retains his failures and broken promises