Anti-regime Uprisings and the Emergence of Electoral Authoritarianism

This paper explores the role of threats from below in the emergence of electoral authoritarianism. Mass uprisings for democratic regime change undermine closed authoritarian regimes by making it difficult for autocrats to maintain their regimes through repression and co-optation. Anti-regime uprisings also promote the establishment of electoral authoritarianism by toppling existing closed regimes or by compelling autocrats to offer political reform as a survival strategy. My analysis of closed authoritarian regimes, from 1961 to 2006, reveals that anti- regime mass uprisings are significantly associated with transitions to electoral authoritarianism. I also find that nonviolent uprisings are more likely than violent uprisings to result in the establishment of electoral authoritarianism and that the effect of anti-regime uprisings on transitions to electoral authoritarianism is greater when a country is surrounded by more democracies or is ethnically or religiously homogeneous

Revolutionary Leaders and Mass Killing

This article argues that revolutionary leaders are more willing to commit mass killing than nonrevolutionary leaders. Revolutionary leaders are more ideologically committed to transforming society, more risk tolerant, and more likely to view the use of violence as appropriate and effective. Furthermore, such leaders tend to command highly disciplined and loyal organizations, built in the course of revolutionary struggles, that can perpetrate mass killing. This study uses time series cross-sectional data from 1955 to 2004 to demonstrate that revolutionary leaders are more likely to initiate genocide or politicide than nonrevolutionary leaders. The violent behaviors of revolutionary leaders are not limited to the immediate postrevolutionary years but also occur later in their tenure. This demonstrates that the association of revolutionary leaders and mass killing is not simply indicative of postrevolutionary instability. This article also provides evidence for the importance of exclusionary ideologies in motivating revolutionary leaders to inflict massive violence

POLS 459: International Political Economy—A Peer Review of Teaching Project Benchmark Portfolio

This Peer Review Course Portfolio documents my teaching practices in International Political Economy (POLS 459) and analyze student learning in the course. POLS 459 is an upper-division course designed to introduces students to the study of international political economy. The most important goal of the course is that students should be able to demonstrate substantive knowledge of the political economy of international trade, investment and development. To this end, I mainly employ classroom lectures, classroom discussions, and small group work. Students work on six in-class quizzes, three exams, and one group presentation. My analysis of student learning reveals that many students found the exams difficult and challenging, although there is a group of students that consistently scored very high. However, I fail to find evidence that students majoring in economics or business administration performed better than those majoring in neither economics nor business administration. It suggests that prior knowledge of economics is not a key factor of success in this course. The analysis also shows a strong correlation between quiz scores and exam scores, confirming the importance of completing the readings. Regarding group presentations, I find that students did a great job in group presentations, successfully applying the analytical concepts and frameworks they learned in class to a current issue in the international economy. Based on the analysis, I would like to make some changes for the future course: I will 1) increase the number of group presentations, 2) switch a quiz format to a take-home quiz to motivate students to complete readings, 3) make discussion of news articles a regular course activity

Are Military Regimes Really Belligerent?

Does military rule make a state more belligerent internationally? Several studies have recently established that military autocracies are more likely than civilian autocracies to deploy and use military force in pursuit of foreign policy objectives. I argue that military regimes are more likely to resort to military force because they are located in more hostile security environments, and not because they are inherently aggressive. First, I show that rule by military institution is more likely to emerge and exist in states facing external territorial threats. Second, by examining the relationship between military autocracies and conflict initiation, I find that once I control for states’ territorial threats, the statistical association between military regimes and conflict initiation disappears. Additionally, more evidence suggests that civilian dictatorships are more conflict-prone than their military counterparts when I account for unobserved dyad heterogeneity. The results are consistent across different measures of international conflict and authoritarian regimes

Anti-regime Uprisings and the Emergence of Electoral Authoritarianism

This paper explores the role of threats from below in the emergence of electoral authoritarianism. Mass uprisings for democratic regime change undermine closed authoritarian regimes by making it difficult for autocrats to maintain their regimes through repression and co-optation. Anti-regime uprisings also promote the establishment of electoral authoritarianism by toppling existing closed regimes or by compelling autocrats to offer political reform as a survival strategy. My analysis of closed authoritarian regimes, from 1961 to 2006, reveals that anti- regime mass uprisings are significantly associated with transitions to electoral authoritarianism. I also find that nonviolent uprisings are more likely than violent uprisings to result in the establishment of electoral authoritarianism and that the effect of anti-regime uprisings on transitions to electoral authoritarianism is greater when a country is surrounded by more democracies or is ethnically or religiously homogeneous

Revolutionary Leaders and Mass Killing

This article argues that revolutionary leaders are more willing to commit mass killing than nonrevolutionary leaders. Revolutionary leaders are more ideologically committed to transforming society, more risk tolerant, and more likely to view the use of violence as appropriate and effective. Furthermore, such leaders tend to command highly disciplined and loyal organizations, built in the course of revolutionary struggles, that can perpetrate mass killing. This study uses time series cross-sectional data from 1955 to 2004 to demonstrate that revolutionary leaders are more likely to initiate genocide or politicide than nonrevolutionary leaders. The violent behaviors of revolutionary leaders are not limited to the immediate postrevolutionary years but also occur later in their tenure. This demonstrates that the association of revolutionary leaders and mass killing is not simply indicative of postrevolutionary instability. This article also provides evidence for the importance of exclusionary ideologies in motivating revolutionary leaders to inflict massive violence

Rampant exchange of the structure and function of extramembrane domains between membrane and water soluble proteins.

Of the membrane proteins of known structure, we found that a remarkable 67% of the water soluble domains are structurally similar to water soluble proteins of known structure. Moreover, 41% of known water soluble protein structures share a domain with an already known membrane protein structure. We also found that functional residues are frequently conserved between extramembrane domains of membrane and soluble proteins that share structural similarity. These results suggest membrane and soluble proteins readily exchange domains and their attendant functionalities. The exchanges between membrane and soluble proteins are particularly frequent in eukaryotes, indicating that this is an important mechanism for increasing functional complexity. The high level of structural overlap between the two classes of proteins provides an opportunity to employ the extensive information on soluble proteins to illuminate membrane protein structure and function, for which much less is known. To this end, we employed structure guided sequence alignment to elucidate the functions of membrane proteins in the human genome. Our results bridge the gap of fold space between membrane and water soluble proteins and provide a resource for the prediction of membrane protein function. A database of predicted structural and functional relationships for proteins in the human genome is provided at sbi.postech.ac.kr/emdmp

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Department of Urban and Environmental Engineering (Environmental Science and Engineering)Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are ubiquitous toxic air pollutants, which are mainly emitted through incomplete combustion together with derivates PAHs such as OPAHs and NPAHs. Additionally, NOPAHs are also formed through secondary formation by a reaction between existing PAHs and atmospheric oxidants such as nitrate, ozone, and OH radicals. In this study, the level of concentration, seasonal and spatial variation, source-receptor relationship, and potential cancer risk of 21 PAHs, 9 OPAHs, and 17 NPAHs was investigated using passive air samplers (PASs) in Ulsan. The air samples were pretreated through Soxhlet extraction, clean-up using silica gel column for PAHs and silica/alumina gel column for NOPAHs, and concentration. After that, PAHs were analyzed using a gas chromatography/mass spectrometry-electron ionization (GC/MS-EI) meanwhile NOPAHs were analyzed using a gas chromatography/mass spectrometry-negative chemical ionization (GC/MSNCI). The abundant compounds consisted of low and middle-molecular weight compounds (2-, 3-, and 4-rings). The level of concentration is similar compared to other studies. Through the spatial distribution, it was confirmed that each target compound had other emission sources by season. PAHs are mainly emitted by petrochemical industrial and non-ferrous metal industrial complexes in the warm season and by the automobile industrial complex in the cold season. OPAHs were mainly emitted near the automobile industrial complex during all seasons. On the other hand, it was difficult to find clear emission sources for NPAHs. To identify the relationship between emission source and receptor, correlation analysis and diagnostic were performed. As a result of correlation analysis between PAHs and derivative PAHs, there are significant positive correlations suggesting they were emitted from similar emission sources. The emission sources and formation pathways of target compounds were investigated using the diagnostic ratio. PAHs were mainly affected by liquid fossil fuel combustion during total sampling period, greatly influenced by petroleum evaporation in warm seasons, and clearly influenced by biomass burning and coal combustion in cold seasons. For NPAHs, it was generated through secondary generation by OH radicals. Potential cancer risk was assessed by using the incremental lifetime cancer risk (ILCR) model. In advance, BaPeq was calculated using individual concentrations (Ci) and toxic equivalent factors (TEFi). Through the spatial distribution of risk, PAHs were higher in industrial complexes and NPAHs in non-ferrous metal industrial complexes. It is the first study to investigate source identification and health risk assessment for PAHs, NPAHs, and OPAHs using PUF-PAS in Korea.ope