The Social Structure of the First Crusade

This books provides a detailed analysis of the social structure of the First Crusade (1096 – 1099) along with an original assessment of the sociology of its contemporary or near contemporary sources

Chapter 1 Cowboys, Cod, Climate, and Conflict

The DEH can be seen as an academic response to three major interwoven changes and challenges: the digital revolution; global warming and global warming and social-political agency related to environmental change. In the twenty-first century, we are challenged with a transformation in human collective intelligence. The key features of this transformation involve the “digital” replacing the “analogue”; design thinking and post-secularism supplanting tradition; and human agency emerging as the main driver of planetary change. Unlocking the keys to human perception, mitigating behavior and adaptive action may likely rank among the preeminent challenges we face in an age witnessing unprecedented rates of global change. The chapter showcases how the DEH is being applied by three international funded research projects: Larry McMurtry’s Literary Geography; NorFish (Environmental History of the North Atlantic Fisheries, 1500-1800); and the Climates of Conflict in Babylonia project

Socially-critical software systems: Is extended regulation required?

Data has become a prevailing aspect of our daily lives, becoming ever more present since the beginning of the 21st century. It is a commodity in today’s world and the amount of data being produced has increased enormously. One of the major ways data is produced and collected is from the use of websites and web-based applications. This data is later used for many different purposes. This paper presents findings from a multivocal literature review, exploring the methods of how this data is collected, what the data is used for once it has been collected, the ethics of data and its collection, and the future of data collection. Among the possible futures, we introduce the concept of socially-critical applications, where data harvesting in web-based applications might require premarket disclosure and evaluation by notified bodies (instructed by regulation) as a means to break the existing cycle of technology companies outpacing under resourced and ill-equipped regulators. Rather than regulators continually falling short of enacting laws to satisfy the common good, a new class of socially-critical application could be created in law to permit pre-market evaluation of applications (or versions of applications) that could undermine or interrupt the common good

Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War

It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. While it highlights the distinctive nature of the syndicalist response compared with other labour movement trends, it also explores the important strategic and tactical limitations involved, including the dilemma of attempting to translate formal syndicalist ideological commitments against the war into practical measures of intervention, and the consequences of the syndicalists’ subordination of the political question of the war to the industrial struggle