6 research outputs found

    La mondialisation du doux commerce ou la logique d’un wishful thinking

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    Avant mĂȘme que l’on ne mette le « mot » sur la « chose », Charles-Albert Michalet publiait en 1976, Le Capitalisme mondial, un ouvrage prĂ©curseur consacrĂ© Ă  la mondialisation et devenu depuis un classique. Ce n’est qu’entre 1990 et 1995, que le terme « mondialisation » s’est imposĂ© largement. En premier lieu, chez les Ă©conomistes pour lesquels il s’agissait tout d’abord d’analyser le fonctionnement des firmes transnationales et celui des marchĂ©s. Ensuite, chez d’autres chercheurs en sciences ..

    Fred Halliday, Rethinking international relations

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    Laroche Josepha. Fred Halliday, Rethinking international relations. In: Revue française de science politique, 46ᔉ annĂ©e, n°1, 1996. pp. 156-160

    Le Nobel comme enjeu symbolique dans les relations internationales

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    more than that. As models of excellence and reference, constituting an elite, Nobel prize winners work at building an international community, a sort of "world republic" of the mind. Their authority having been consecrated by a ceremonial, they invest themselves with an international right to speak. Even if that resource is far from being devoid of a trade-off for the winners ― e.g. the very constricting grasp their public role has on their private life ― the Nobel prize is undoubtedly an element of the general movement of challenge to state monopoly. In putting forward its own norms, it sometimes even competes with states in their diplomatie activity : its action pertains to the transnationalization logic that now characterizes international relation.Initiative d'Alfred Nobel, la crĂ©ation Ă  la fin du siĂšcle dernier d'un prix international correspond Ă  un projet individuel scientiste et philanthropique mais ne s'y rĂ©sume pas. En effet, modĂšles d'excellence et de rĂ©fĂ©rence constituant une Ă©lite, les Nobel travaillent Ă  construire une communautĂ© internationale, sorte de «rĂ©publique mondiale» de l'esprit. Forts de leur autoritĂ© consacrĂ©e par un cĂ©rĂ©monial, ils s'investissent d'un droit de parole internationale. C'est pourquoi, mĂȘme si cette ressource est loin d'ĂȘtre sans contrepartie pour les laurĂ©ats ― comme en tĂ©moigne l'emprise trĂšs contraignante du rĂŽle public sur la personne privĂ©e ―, le Nobel participe incontestablement du mouvement gĂ©nĂ©ral de remise en cause du monopole Ă©tatique. En Ă©nonçant ses propres normes, il va parfois jusqu'Ă  concurrencer les États dans leur activitĂ© diplomatique: son action s'inscrit donc dans la logique de transnationalisation qui caractĂ©rise Ă  prĂ©sent les relations internationales.Laroche Josepha. Le Nobel comme enjeu symbolique dans les relations internationales. In: Revue française de science politique, 44ᔉ annĂ©e, n°4, 1994. pp. 599-628

    Prerrogativas estatais, integração regional e lógica distributiva State prerrogatives, regional integration, and distributive logic

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    Analisa-se a emergĂȘncia de um novo paradigma de ordem internacional, baseado em processos de integração regional no lugar do decadente Estado nacional, tendo em vista os limites a ele impostos pela persistĂȘncia da dinĂąmica do Estado nacional. Assinala-se a dificuldade para substituir a lĂłgica intergovernamental pela lĂłgica supranacional. A ausĂȘncia de organizaçÔes supranacionais efetivas impĂ”e restriçÔes Ă  distribuição dos ganhos obtidos pela dinĂąmica integracionista. Examina-se isso com base nos casos do Mercosul e da UniĂŁo EuropĂ©ia.<br>The emergency of a new paradigm of international order, based on processes of regional integration instead of the decadent national State is examined in view of the limits imposed on it by the persistence of the dynamics of the national State. The difficulty in substituting a supranational logic for the intergovernmental one is pointed out. The absence of effective supranational organizations imposes restrictions on the distribution of the gains attained through the integrationist dynamics. This is examined on the basis of the cases of the Mercosul and of the European Union

    Lithuania's participation in the reconstruction process of Afghanistan: a case of a small state's engagement in the international arena

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    Because the international arena is too focused on the interests of big states as structuring international interactions, small states continue to appear merely as objects (versus subjects) in the eyes of a large number of researchers, sometimes unconsciously following the (neo)realist tradition of International Relations (IR). Consequently, small states appear to be devoid of any analytical interest. In fact, such a trend in the field of IR neglects the significance of ever increasing interactions between states. Moreover, these interactions need not reflect incompatible interests of different states. The article argues that the case of the reconstruction process of Afghanistan, implemented by the international community, presents a positive-sum logic. In other words, the efforts of the coalition in the Afghan territory allow the engaged states, be they big or small, to pursue their own interests. The degree of their contributions corresponds to the benefits their engagement might provide. As the analysis of the Lithuanian case demonstrates, a small state need not be a passive object trapped in the interactions of powerful states and can arrange itself in order to proceed with actively pursuing its own foreign policy

    Mainstreaming African Diasporic Foodways When Academia Is Not Enough

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    More than a decade after Britain's bicentennial commemoration of the 1807 Abolition Act to end the Transatlantic Slave Trade, Scotland still struggles to reconcile her colonial past. Unlike in North America, historical archaeology centered on the history and legacy of the transatlantic slave trade is still highly marginalized in British academia. Furthermore, Scotland's roles in slave-based economies is only recently being considered a relevant area of historical studies. This paper emerges from my evolving perspective as a Black American scholar and resident in the United Kingdom, as I strive to create intellectual spaces in and outside of academia. Through civic engagement, I use my work on African diasporic foodways in the French Caribbean to link with a similar material basis of resistance in the British Caribbean and engage British audiences whose connections to Atlantic slavery are yet to be fully recognized
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