The Effects of the Security Environment on Military Expenditures: Pooled Analyses of 165 Countries, 1950-2000

Countries' military expenditures differ greatly across both space and time. This study examines the determinants of military spending, with particular reference to the importance of the external security environment. Using the liberal-realist model of international relations, we first estimate the probability that two countries will be involved in a fatal militarized interstate dispute. We then aggregate these ex ante estimates of the likelihood of dyadic conflict, calculating the annual joint probability that a country will be involved in a fatal dispute. This is our measure of the external threat. We then estimate the level of military spending by country and year as a function of the security environment, arms races with foes and the defense expenditures of friendly countries, states' involvement in actual military conflict, economic output, and various other political variables. In analyses of a panel of 165 countries, 1950 to 2000, we find that the security environment is a powerful determinant of military spending. Indeed, our prospectively measured estimate of the external threat is more influential than any of several influences known only ex post. Our best estimate is that a one percentage point rise in the probability of a fatal dispute leads to a 3 percent increase in military spending.Military spending, Security threat, Arms race, Militarized disputes, Democracy, Alliances

The Effects of the Security Environment on Military Expenditures: Pooled Analyses of 165 Countries, 1950-2000

Countries’ military expenditures differ greatly across both space and time. This study examines the determinants of military spending, with particular reference to the importance of the external security environment. Using the liberal-realist model of international relations, we first estimate the probability that two countries will be involved in a fatal militarized interstate dispute. We then aggregate these ex ante estimates of the likelihood of dyadic conflict, calculating the annual joint probability that a country will be involved in a fatal dispute. This is our measure of the external threat. We then estimate the level of military spending by country and year as a function of the security environment, arms races with foes and the defense expenditures of friendly countries, states’ involvement in actual military conflict, economic output, and various other political variables. In analyses of a panel of 165 countries, 1950 to 2000, we find that the security environment is a powerful determinant of military spending. Indeed, our prospectively measured estimate of the external threat is more influential than any of several influences known only ex post. Our best estimate is that a one percentage point rise in the probability of a fatal dispute leads to a 3 percent increase in military spending

Modulation of Rat Chorda Tympani NaCl Responses and Intracellular Na+ Activity in Polarized Taste Receptor Cells by pH

Mixture interactions between sour and salt taste modalities were investigated in rats by direct measurement of intracellular pH (pHi) and Na+ activity ([Na+]i) in polarized fungiform taste receptor cells (TRCs) and by chorda tympani (CT) nerve recordings. Stimulating the lingual surface with NaCl solutions adjusted to pHs ranging between 2.0 and 10.3 increased the magnitude of NaCl CT responses linearly with increasing external pH (pHo). At pH 7.0, the epithelial sodium channel (ENaC) blocker, benzamil, decreased NaCl CT responses and inhibited further changes in CT responses induced by varying pHo to 2.0 or 10.3. At constant pHo, buffering NaCl solutions with potassium acetate/acetic acid (KA/AA) or HCO3−/CO2 inhibited NaCl CT responses relative to CT responses obtained with NaCl solutions buffered with HEPES. The carbonic anhydrase blockers, MK-507 and MK-417, attenuated the inhibition of NaCl CT responses in HCO3−/CO2 buffer, suggesting a regulatory role for pHi. In polarized TRCs step changes in apical pHo from 10.3 to 2.0 induced a linear decrease in pHi that remained within the physiological range (slope = 0.035; r2 = 0.98). At constant pHo, perfusing the apical membrane with Ringer's solutions buffered with KA/AA or HCO3−/CO2 decreased resting TRC pHi, and MK-507 or MK-417 attenuated the decrease in pHi in TRCs perfused with HCO3−/CO2 buffer. In parallel experiments, TRC [Na+]i decreased with (a) a decrease in apical pH, (b) exposing the apical membrane to amiloride or benzamil, (c) removal of apical Na+, and (d) acid loading the cells with NH4Cl or sodium acetate at constant pHo. Diethylpyrocarbonate and Zn2+, modification reagents for histidine residues in proteins, attenuated the CO2-induced inhibition of NaCl CT responses and the pHi-induced inhibition of apical Na+ influx in TRCs. We conclude that TRC pHi regulates Na+-influx through amiloride-sensitive apical ENaCs and hence modulates NaCl CT responses in acid/salt mixtures

The coexistence of peace and conflict in South America: toward a new conceptualization of types of peace

South America's predominant democratic regimes and its increasing interdependence on regional trade have not precluded the emergence of militarized crises between Colombia and Venezuela or the revival of boundary claims between Chile and Peru. This way, how can we characterize a zone that, in spite of its flourishing democracy and dense economic ties, remain involved in territorial disputes for whose resolution the use of force has not yet been discarded? This article contends that existing classifications of zones of peace are not adequate to explain this unusual coexistence. Thus, its main purpose is to develop a new analytical category of regional peace for assessing this phenomenon: the hybrid peace. It aims to research the evolution of security systems in South America during the previous century and build a new, threefold classification of peace zones: negative peace zones, hybrid peace zones, and positive peace zones

The 'knowledge politics' of democratic peace theory

How do academic ideas influence US foreign policy, under what conditions and with what consequences? This article traces the rise, ‘securitisation’ and political consequences of democratic peace theory (DPT) in the United States by exploring the work of Doyle, Diamond and Fukuyama. Ideas influence US foreign policy under different circumstances, but are most likely to do either during and after crises when the policy environment permits ‘new thinking’, or when these ideas have been developed through state-connected elite knowledge networks, or when they are (or appear paradigmatically congenial to) foreign policymakers’ mindsets, or, finally, when they become institutionally-embedded. The appropriation of DPT by foreign policymakers has categorised the world into antagonistic blocs – democratic/non-democratic zones of peace/turmoil – as the corollary to a renewed American mission to make the world ‘safer’ through ‘democracy’ promotion. The roles of networked organic intellectuals – in universities and think tanks, for instance – were particularly important in elevating DPT from the academy to national security managers