173 research outputs found
Democracy and the European Constitution: Majority Voting and Small Member States
The purpose of this article is to shed light on the relation between large and small member states with regard to the majority principle. Since Maastricht at the latest the institutional discussion centers around the question of how to devise a decision system which pays equal attention to the interests of small and large states in the European Union. This article challenges several underlying assumptions: that size is an important factor determining the political clout of a member state; the existence of ânaturalâ interest divergences and the competitive nature of the European politiy. Finally, it questions the intrinsic relation between majority voting and democracy.democracy; majority voting; European Convention; legitimacy; political science
ReprÀsentation als Herrschaftsorganisation: ideengeschichtliche Anmerkungen
'ReprĂ€sentation ist ein SchlĂŒsselkonzept moderner Demokratietheorie - seine Bedeutung ist jedoch weidlich unspezifisch. Der Beitrag konzentriert sich auf eine Funktion der ReprĂ€sentation, die Herrschaftsorganisation und auf die damit verbundenen Fragen wer oder was wird wie reprĂ€sentiert. In der ideengeschichtlichen Genese wird sichtbar, dass ReprĂ€sentation weder ein modernes Konzept ist, noch dass es eine bloĂe Technik der Herrschaftsgestaltung ist. Vielmehr wird durch die Kontextualisierung sein teleologisch manipulativer Charakter evident.' (Autorenreferat)'Although representation is a key concept of modern democracy its meaning is contested at best. It has become a well known guest in the political discourse whose existence is hardly challenged. But time and again we should ask this guest why he is here and what is his purpose. One way to do so is by singling out anticipated functions, trace their development and check their meaning. The article concentrates on the specific function of rule organisation and the related questions of who/ what is ruled by whom? It tries, to show that representation is neither a modern concept nor that it is a mere technique to organise rule. By tracing the genealogy of parts of the concept of representation it may be possible to reveal how its function and meaning arose, and thereby provide us with a means of dissipating certain myths surrounding the concept.' (author's abstract
"Konstitutioneller Moment" und Verfassungsreform: eine EinschĂ€tzung des Ăsterreich-Konvents
Trotz einer Vielzahl an VerfassungsĂ€nderungen, gibt es sowohl in der rechts- und politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur als auch in der Praxis einen Konsens, dass die österreichische Bundesverfassung einer grundlegenden Reform bedarf. Zu diesem Zweck wurde im Mai 2003 ein so genannter Ăsterreich-Konvent eingerichtet. Der vorliegende Beitrag beschĂ€ftigt sich mit der Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen bedeutende Verfassungsreformen erfolgreich sind. Als konzeptuelle Grundlage fungiert dabei Bruce Ackermans Theorie des konstitutionellen Moments. Der Artikel kommt zu dem Schluss, dass der Ăsterreich-Konvent ohne breite Anteilnahme der BĂŒrgerInnen installiert wurde und somit keinen konstitutionellen Moment im Sinne Ackermans ausgelöst hat.There is a wide-spread consensus among academics as well as practitioners that the Austrian constitution needs fundamental reform. In the wake of the European convention, Austria set up a similar convention which was entitled to draft a new constitution which should be better structured, more citizen-friendly and more efficient than the current one. Bruce Ackerman's theory of the constitutional moment is used as a yard-stick to assess the different phases of the establishment of the Austrian convention. However, this article concludes that the Austrian convention is an excellent example why the simple establishment of a convention without involving a significant number of citizens is not enough to create a constitutional moment
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Exome sequencing and in vitro studies identified podocalyxin as a candidate gene for focal and segmental glomerulosclerosis
Our understanding of focal and segmental glomerulosclerosis (FSGS) has advanced significantly from the studies of rare, monogenic forms of the disease. These studies have demonstrated the critical roles of multiple aspects of podocyte function in maintaining glomerular function. A substantial body of research has suggested that the integral membrane protein podocalyxin (PODXL) is required for proper function of podocytes, possibly by preserving the patency of the slit diaphragm by negative charge-based repulsion. Exome sequencing of affected cousins from an autosomal dominant pedigree with FSGS identified a co-segregating private variant, PODXL p.L442R, affecting the transmembrane region of the protein. Of the remaining 11 shared gene variants, two segregated with disease but their gene products were not detected in the glomerulus. In comparison to wild type, this disease-segregating PODXL variant facilitated dimerization. By contrast, this change does not alter protein stability, extracellular domain glycosylation, cell surface expression, global subcellular localization, or interaction with its intracellular binding partner ezrin. Thus, a variant form of PODXL remains the most likely candidate causing FSGS in one family with autosomal dominant inheritance, but its full effect on protein function remains unknown. Our work highlights the challenge faced in the clinical interpretation of whole exome data for small pedigrees with autosomal dominant diseases
Legitimacy in the Multilevel European Polity
In order to be simultaneously effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance â which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct but coexistent traditions of ârepublicanâ and âliberalâ political philosophy. When judged by these criteria, the European Union â if considered by itself â appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the âEuropean democratic deficitâ) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated by member states â whereas the Union appears as a âgovernment of governmentsâ which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance-legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states â which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance-legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could and should be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in âcommunicative discoursesâ in the national public space. This is not necessarily true of ânon-politicalâ policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice. By enforcing its âliberalâ program of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the ârepublicanâ bases of member-state legitimacy. Where this is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.Um gleichzeitig effektiv und liberal sein zu können, ist staatliche Herrschaft auf freiwillige Folgebereitschaft angewiesen â die ihrerseits der UnterstĂŒtzung durch sozial geteilte LegitimitĂ€tsĂŒberzeugungen bedarf. In den demokratischen Verfassungsstaaten des Westens werden solche Ăberzeugungen aus den unterschiedlichen, aber komplementĂ€r zusammenwirkenden Traditionen der ârepublikanischenâ und der âliberalenâ politischen Philosophie hergeleitet. An diesen Kriterien gemessen erscheint die EuropĂ€ische Union â wenn man sie fĂŒr sich betrachtet â als eine âliberaleâ politische Ordnung, der jedoch alle ârepublikanischenâ LegitimitĂ€tsmerkmale fehlen. Aber eine solche Sichtweise, die auch die derzeitige Diskussion ĂŒber ein âeuropĂ€isches Demokratiedefizitâ bestimmt, verkennt den Mehrebenencharakter des europĂ€ischen Gemeinwesens. In ihm sind es die Mitgliedstaaten, die Entscheidungen der Union gegenĂŒber den eigenen BĂŒrgern durchsetzen und auch legitimieren mĂŒssen, wĂ€hrend es fĂŒr die Union ihrerseits auf die freiwillige Folgebereitschaft ihrer Mitgliedstaaten ankommt. Dabei werden diese jedoch durch die normativen Grundlagen ihrer eigenen LegitimitĂ€t begrenzt. Politische Entscheidungen auf europĂ€ischer Ebene setzen breiten Konsens voraus, und die Regierungen sollten sie deshalb auch gegenĂŒber den eigenen BĂŒrgern in âkommunikativen Diskursenâ vertreten und dafĂŒr die politische Verantwortung ĂŒbernehmen können. Dies gilt jedoch nicht notwendigerweise auch fĂŒr Entscheidungen der europĂ€ischen Politik, die im nichtpolitischen Modus ohne Beteiligung des Rates und des Parlaments vom EuropĂ€ischen Gerichtshof bestimmt werden. Mit der gegenwĂ€rtigen Radikalisierung seines âliberalenâ Programms der Liberalisierung und Deregulierung des nationalen Rechts könnte der Gerichtshof in der Tat die ârepublikanischenâ Grundlagen der mitgliedstaatlichen LegitimitĂ€t unterminieren. In diesem Falle könnte die Union sich nicht lĂ€nger auf die Folgebereitschaft ihrer Mitgliedstaaten verlassen. Um diese Gefahr fĂŒr die europĂ€ische Integration zu vermeiden, sollte eine stĂ€rkere politische Kontrolle der richterlichen Rechtsetzung erwogen werden.1 Legitimacy Republican and liberal legitimating discourses Constitutional democracies â and the EU? 2 Legitimacy in multilevel polities 3 Legitimating member state compliance Political modes of policy making Non-political policy making 4 The need for justification 5 The Court is pushing against the limits of justifiability 6 The liberal undermining of republican legitimacy 7 Needed: A political balance of community and autonomy Reference
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