An anthropological study of political action in a Bajuni village in Kenya.

The main theme of this thesis is a sociological analysis of a process of political conflict in a village community. The village - Tundwa - has a population of just over a thousand persons and is situated on an island lying just off the north Kenya coast, near the border with Somalia. It is a village where political factionalism is an important element in social life. My aim in this thesis has been to show that conflicts between the factions were an expression of underlying social and economic causes and that the recruitment of support for the factions was based on the pre-existing structure of linkages in the community. The focal material of this thesis is therefore contained in Chapter VIII where I describe in detail the series of connected 'social dramas' or crisis situations which punctuated the development of factional conflicts in Tundwa in 1965.;The first part of the thesis is devoted to an analysis of the three most important aspects of Tundwa's social organisation - economic organisation, kinship and social stratification. Each of these aspects of social organisation creates a contextual framework for social action, and each of them is influential in determining the alliances of people in political crises. These frameworks do not always coincide however and so one has situations where people have a conflict of loyalties - perhaps between their loyalties to kin as opposed to their economic interests, or perhaps between their economic interests and their social status. In the second part of the thesis I concentrate exclusively on the politics of Tundwa. First I describe the relationship between the people and the Central government. The character of this relationship provides a further dimension to our understanding of political action. In Chapter VIII and the Conclusion I show that by looking at factionalism in dynamic sociological terms we can understand its basic underlying causes

The climate emergency in Africa

© 2023 ROAPE Publications Ltd. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY), https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/Peer reviewe

Production, Property, Prostitution. ' Sexual Politics ' in Atu.

J. M. Bujra — Production, propriété, prostitution: la politique du sexe à Atu. L'économie agricole de cette île swahili est basée sur la propriété foncière individuelle et la culture de produits d'exportation. Les femmes n'ont, en principe, pas accès aux instruments du pouvoir économique, mais sont parvenues, en relation conflictuelle avec les hommes, à s'assurer un pouvoir économique propre en émigrant pour se prostituer. Cette émigration, qui intéresse à peu près 50 % de la population féminine, contribue plus à l'économie locale que celle, sensiblement équivalente, des hommes, dans la mesure où les migrantes investissent à Atu dans la construction de maisons où s'installer à leur retour. Il existe une certaine forme de prostitution sur place mais elle reste très différente, aussi bien socialement qu'économiquement, de celle pratiquée au cours de la migration à Mombasa. Le phénomène paraît remonter aux transformations économiques résultant de la suppression de l'esclavage et du déclin du commerce avec l'Arabie. La polygynie synchronique a cédé la place à la polygynie diachronique, en relation avec l'incidence élevée des divorces, d'où la nécessité pour les femmes de posséder leur propre maison, dans un système résidentiel centré sur des groupes féminins. En dépit de la tradition islamique, les ex-prostituées sont assez bien acceptées socialement. On peut arguer que les femmes, réduites à la dépendance économique, cherchent à y échapper en utilisant leur capital sexuel comme arme défensive.Bujra Janet M. Production, Property, Prostitution. ' Sexual Politics ' in Atu.. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 17, n°65, 1977. Des femmes sur l'afrique des femmes. pp. 13-39

Women: Women United Women Divided

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The ‘politics of the queue’: the politicization of People Living with HIV/AIDS in Tanzania

Starting from a body of literature on movements around "biological citizenship," this article analyses the political significance of HIV-positive people's collective action in Tanzania. We explore reasons for the limited impact of Tanzanian AIDS activism on the wider political scene, concluding that the formation of a "movement" is still in its infancy and faces many constraints, though some breakthroughs have been made. Participation in PLHA groups in Tanzania encourages politicizing struggles over representation, democratic forms and gender that can lead to a process of political socialization in which members learn to recognize and confront abuses of power. It is in such low-level, less visible social transformations that the greatest potential of participation in collective action around HIV/AIDS in Tanzania lies

Saturday night and Sunday morning: the 2001 Bradford riot and beyond

Saturday Night and Sunday Morning marks the tenth anniversary of the Bradford riot of Saturday 7 to Sunday 8 July 2001. The day began with a peaceful demonstration against a banned Far Right march but ended in one of the most violent examples of unrest in Britain for 20 years. More than 320 police officers were injured as they battled rioters who hurled missiles and petrol bombs, pushed burning cars towards them and torched buildings. Criminal acts of looting characterised the final hours. Riot damages amounted to GBP7.5 million. In the aftermath, nearly 300 arrests took place and nearly 200 were charged with riot leading to prison sentences of four years or more. Images of the riot, and of a smaller disturbance which followed on one of its traditionally 'white' estates, have haunted Bradford ever since. Nine years later, in August 2010, Bradford faced another Far Right provocation. The English Defence League came in force to demonstrate against Bradford's Muslim population. Bradford braced itself. However this time, Asian lads mostly stayed off the streets and the police worked with the council, communities and local activists to keep order against the threat of violence. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning traces Bradford's journey over the decade, beginning with the voices of rioters, police and others interviewed after the 2001 riot and ending with those of former rioters, citizens, police and politicians following the EDL protest. The authors argue that while 2001 reflected a collective failure of Bradford District to address a social legacy of industrial decline in a multicultural context, 2010 revealed how leadership from above combined with leadership from below restored its confidence and opened up possibilities for a new era in Bradford's history and prospects. Saturday Night and Sunday Morning is written by two authors from the University's renowned Department of Peace Studies who balance research with an active commitment to peace, economic regeneration and social justice in Bradford