11 research outputs found
Seven-in-Ten Americans Now See Russia as an Enemy
Russia's invasion of Ukraine has led to a dramatic shift in American public opinion: 70% of Americans now consider Russia an enemy of the United States, up from 41% in January. And on this topic, Democrats and Republicans largely agree, with 72% of Democrats and 69% of Republicans describing Russia as an enemy.A new Pew Research Center survey, conducted March 21-27, finds that just 7% of U.S. adults have an overall favorable opinion of Russia. Only 6% express confidence in its leader, President Vladimir Putin. In contrast, 72% have confidence in Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy
International Attitudes Toward the U.S., NATO and Russia in a Time of Crisis
This Pew Research Center analysis focuses on public opinion of the United States, Russia and NATO in 17 countries in North America, Europe, the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific region. The report draws on nationally representative surveys of 19,903 adults from Feb. 14 to May 11, 2022. All surveys were conducted over the phone with adults in Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and South Korea. Surveys were conducted face to face in Poland and Israel and online in Australia.Data collection began a week prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the UK and Japan. All other countries began fieldwork the same day as or shortly after the invasion. Due to the time it takes to translate, program and test questions on our international surveys, we prioritized gathering data at the start of this significant international event rather than delaying, or pausing, fieldwork to add questions specifically about the war or the actions taken by world leaders in response. Analysis focuses on ratings of Presidents Joe Biden and Vladimir Putin, the countries they lead and NATO as the war in Ukraine was unfolding. In this report, the data is discussed in the context of over a decade of cross-national trends.Views of Russia and NATO also include data from the United States. We surveyed 3,581 U.S. adults from March 21 to 27, 2022, after the start of the war in Ukraine. Everyone who took part in this survey is a member of the Center's American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories
What People Around the World Like And Dislike About American Society and Politics
As Pew Research Center surveys have documented, the United States' global reputation has shifted dramatically over the past two decades, often improving or declining depending on who is in the White House and the foreign policies they pursue. At the same time, many other factors have continued to shape how people see the U.S., including its vast cultural reach, its economic model and its divisive politics. A survey of 17 advanced economies highlights the complexity of America's international image. People in other publics find much to admire about the U.S., but they see many problems as well. Americans, for their part, also see both strengths and weaknesses in their society
Social Media Seen as Mostly Good for Democracy Across Many Nations, But U.S. is a Major Outlier
As people across the globe have increasingly turned to Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and other platforms to get their news and express their opinions, the sphere of social media has become a new public space for discussing – and often arguing bitterly – about political and social issues. And in the mind of many analysts, social media is one of the major reasons for the declining health of democracy in nations around the world.However, as a new Pew Research Center survey of 19 advanced economies shows, ordinary citizens see social media as both a constructive and destructive component of political life, and overall most believe it has actually had a positive impact on democracy. Across the countries polled, a median of 57% say social media has been more of a good thing for their democracy, with 35% saying it has been a bad thing.There are substantial cross-national differences on this question, however, and the United States is a clear outlier: Just 34% of U.S. adults think social media has been good for democracy, while 64% say it has had a bad impact. In fact, the U.S. is an outlier on a number of measures, with larger shares of Americans seeing social media as divisive
The Neural Architecture of Trustworthiness Judgments: Judging a Book by its Cover and Content
Global Public Opinion in an Era of Democratic Anxiety
As democratic nations have wrestled with economic, social and geopolitical upheaval in recent years, the future of liberal democracy has come into question. In countries across the globe, democratic norms and civil liberties have deteriorated, while populists have enjoyed surprising success at the ballot box. Newly democratic nations have struggled, while more-established, once self-assured democracies have stumbled, exposing long-simmering weaknesses in their social fabrics and institutional designs.These trends have been well-documented by organizations such as the Economist Intelligence Unit, Freedom House, International IDEA and the Varieties of Democracy project (V-Dem), which measure and track the quality of democracy around the world. Public opinion researchers have also focused on these issues by examining how citizens think about democracy and its alternatives. At Pew Research Center, we've applied a comparative, cross-national lens to explore global trends in attitudes toward political representation and individual rights
The effects of anticipated domestic equality on undergraduate women’s career ambitions
Previous research has found that young women consistently anticipate “the second shift” (Hochschild, 1989) in their future marriages, defined as disparities in domestic work that disadvantage them, even when they envision situations that should facilitate domestic equality (e.g., earning more money than their spouse; Fetterolf & Eagly, 2011; Fetterolf & Rudman, 2012). The present study examined (1) the influence of information about marital trends on young women’s expected domestic equality, and (2) the influence of young women’s expected domestic equality on their future career ambitions. Participants, who were undergraduate women, read one of three different newspaper articles indicating trends in the distribution of domestic work: (1) domestic equality as the new norm, (2) stalled progress toward domestic equality, or (3) a reversal of inequality, with men responsible for more of the domestic work than women. Participants then indicated their plans for their future careers, as well as their expectations for domestic equality in their own future marriages. Surprisingly, the domestic trends in the articles did not have much of an influence on participants’ expected domestic or paid labor. Across all conditions, participants expected to do a larger proportion of the housework than their spouse, and to earn less money for their work, while also working the same number of hours outside the home as their spouse (except in the stalled condition, where they expected to work less hours in paid employment). Additionally, participants’ anticipated domestic labor was negatively correlated with their anticipated work hours, although it was not associated with other future career outcomes (e.g., salary). Overall, the present study suggests that domestic inequality is entrenched in young women’s expectations. The implications for gender equality are discussed.M.S.Includes bibliographical referencesby Janell Cora Fetterol