Labor Supply of Politicians

We examine the labor supply of politicians using data on Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). We exploit the introduction of a law that equalized MEPs' salaries, which had previously differed by as much as a factor of ten. Doubling an MEP's salary increases the probability of running for reelection by 23 percentage points and increases the logarithm of the number of parties that field a candidate by 29 percent of a standard deviation. A salary increase has no discernible impact on absenteeism or shirking from legislative sessions; in contrast, non-pecuniary motives, proxied by home-country corruption, substantially impact the intensive margin of labor supply. Finally, an increase in salary lowers the quality of elected MEPs, measured by the selectivity of their undergraduate institutions.

Essays in the economics of private education: Theory and evidence from England.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the demand for private education and the distribution of income, state school quality, religion and political allegiance in England. Chapter 2 focuses on how the demand for private education, both secular and religious, is affected by the distribution of income. Theoretically and empirically, I find that private schools in general locate in areas with high income levels, high income inequality and low spending per pupil in state schools. However, religious (Muslim and Jewish) schools locate where the fraction of the relevant religious individuals is high and where the religious individuals are relatively poor. Chapter 3 studies the relationship between the demand for private education and local state school quality, and how this varies with household income and preferences for education. Consistent with theoretical predictions, I find robust empirical evidence of a non-linear relationship between the demand for private education and for local state school quality such that it is positive at lower income levels and negative at higher income levels. Finally, chapter 4 explores the relationship between religious and political allegiance and private schooling choices. I find that the relationship between religion and private education varies greatly across religious groups, and is strongest for non-mainstream denominations. The strength of the association between religious and political allegiance and private schooling depends significantly on the intensity of religious beliefs. However, the greater demand for private education among non-Christians does not appear to be driven primarily by religious motives but rather by stronger preferences for education. I also find that private school demand is significantly associated with respondents' political allegiance

A Danish questionnaire study of acute symptoms of SARS-CoV-2 infection by variant, vaccination status, sex and age

It is not well-described how the acute symptoms of infection with severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) differ by variant, vaccination, sex and age. A cross-sectional questionnaire study linked to national testing- and registry data was conducted among 148,874 SARS-CoV-2 first time reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) test-positive individuals and corresponding date-matched symptomatic test-negative controls. Major SARS-CoV-2 variants (Index/wild type, Alpha, Delta and Omicron) were defined using periods of predominance. Risk differences (RDs) were estimated for each of 21 predefined acute symptoms comparing: (1) test-positive and -negative individuals, by variant period, (2) vaccinated and unvaccinated test-positives, by variant period, (3) individuals tested positive during the Omicron and Delta periods, by vaccination status, and (4) vaccinated Omicron test-positive and -negative individuals, by age and sex. Compared to pre-Omicron, RDs between test-positive and test-negative individuals during the Omicron period were lower for most symptoms. RDs for altered sense of smell (dysosmia) and taste (dysgeusia) were highest for Delta (RD = 50.8 (49.4–52.0) and RD = 54.7 (53.4–56.0), respectively) and lowest for Omicron (RD = 12.8 (12.1–13.5) and RD = 11.8 (11.1–12.4), respectively). Across variants, vaccinated individuals reported fewer symptoms. During Omicron, females and 30–59 year-old participants reported more symptoms.</p

Postacute symptoms 4 months after SARS-CoV-2 infection during the Omicron period:a nationwide Danish questionnaire study

Postacute symptoms are not uncommon after severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection with pre-Omicron variants. How the Omicron variant and coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) booster vaccination influence the risk of postacute symptoms is less clear. We analyzed data from a nationwide Danish questionnaire study, EFTER-COVID, comprising 36 109 individuals aged ≥15 years who were tested between July 2021 and January 2022, to evaluate the associations of the Omicron variant and COVID-19 booster vaccination with postacute symptoms and new-onset general health problems 4 months after infection with SARS-CoV-2. Risk differences (RDs) were estimated by comparing Omicron cases with controls, comparing Omicron cases with Delta cases, and comparing Omicron cases vaccinated with 3 doses with those vaccinated with 2 doses, adjusting for age, sex, body mass index, self-reported chronic diseases, Charlson comorbidity index, health-care occupation, and vaccination status. Four months after testing for SARS-CoV-2 during the Omicron period, cases experienced substantial postacute symptoms and new-onset health problems in comparison with controls; the largest RD was observed for memory issues (RD = 7.4%; 95% CI, 6.4-8.3). However, risks were generally lower than those in the Delta period, particularly for dysosmia (RD = -15.0%; 95% CI, -17.0 to -13.2) and dysgeusia (RD = -11.2%; 95% CI, -13.2 to -9.5). Booster vaccination was associated with fewer postacute symptoms and new-onset health problems 4 months after Omicron infection as compared with 2 doses of COVID-19 vaccine.</p

A register and questionnaire study of long-term general health symptoms following SARS-CoV-2 vaccination in Denmark

Many individuals who refuse COVID-19 vaccination have concerns about long-term side effects. Here, we report findings on self-reported symptoms from a Danish survey- and register study. The study included 34,868 vaccinated primary course recipients, 95.8% of whom received mRNA vaccines, and 1,568 unvaccinated individuals. Participants had no known history of SARS-CoV-2 infection. Using g-computation on logistic regression, risk differences (RDs) for symptoms between vaccinated and unvaccinated persons were estimated with adjustments for possible confounders. Within six weeks after vaccination, higher risks were observed for physical exhaustion (RD 4.9%, 95% CI 1.1% to 8.4%), fever or chills (RD 4.4%, 95% CI 2.1% to 6.7%), and muscle/joint pain (RD 7.0%, 95% CI 3.1% to 10.7%), compared to unvaccinated individuals. Beyond twenty-six weeks, risks were higher among the vaccinated for sleeping problems (RD 3.0, 95% 0.2 to 5.8), fever or chills (RD 2.0, 95% CI 0.4 to 3.6), reduced/altered taste (RD 1.2, 95% CI 0.2 to 2.3) and shortness of breath (RD 2.6, 95% CI 0.9 to 4.0). However, when examining pre-omicron responses only, the difference for reduced/altered taste was significant. As expected, the risk of experiencing physical exhaustion, fever or chills, and muscle/joint pain was higher among persons who responded within six weeks of completing the primary course. No significant differences were observed for the 7-25-week period after vaccination. Associations for the period beyond 26 weeks must be interpreted with caution and in the context of undetected SARS-CoV-2 infection, wide confidence intervals, and multiple testing. Overall, we observe no concerning signs of long-term self-reported physical, cognitive, or fatigue symptoms after vaccination.</p

The Influence of Hormonal Factors on the Risk of Developing Cervical Cancer and Pre-Cancer: Results from the EPIC Cohort

Background: In addition to HPV, high parity and hormonal contraceptives have been associated with cervical cancer (CC). However, most of the evidence comes from retrospective case-control studies. The aim of this study is to prospectively evaluate associations between hormonal factors and risk of developing cervical intraepithelial neoplasia grade 3 (CIN3)/carcinoma in situ (CIS) and invasive cervical cancer (ICC). Methods and Findings: We followed a cohort of 308,036 women recruited in the European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition (EPIC) Study. At enrollment, participants completed a questionnaire and provided serum. After a 9-year median follow-up, 261 ICC and 804 CIN3/CIS cases were reported. In a nested case-control study, the sera from 609 cases and 1,218 matched controls were tested for L1 antibodies against HPV types 11,16,18,31,33,35,45, 52,58, and antibodies against Chlamydia trachomatis and Human herpesvirus 2. Multivariate analyses were performed to estimate hazard ratios (HR), odds ratios (OR) and corresponding 95% confidence intervals (CI). The cohort analysis showed that number of fullterm pregnancies was positively associated with CIN3/CIS risk (p-trend = 0.03). Duration of oral contraceptives use was associated with a significantly increased risk of both CIN3/CIS and ICC (HR = 1.6 and HR = 1.8 respectively for >= 15 years versus never use). Ever use of menopausal hormone therapy was associated with a reduced risk of ICC (HR = 0.5, 95% CI: 0.4-0.8). A non-significant reduced risk of ICC with ever use of intrauterine devices (IUD) was found in the nested case-control analysis (OR = 0.6). Analyses restricted to all cases and HPV seropositive controls yielded similar results, revealing a significant inverse association with IUD for combined CIN3/CIS and ICC (OR = 0.7). Conclusions: Even though HPV is the necessary cause of CC, our results suggest that several hormonal factors are risk factors for cervical carcinogenesis. Adherence to current cervical cancer screening guidelines should minimize the increased risk of CC associated with these hormonal risk factors

Labor Supply of Politicians

Using data on Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), we examine the impact of salaries on the composition and the behavior of legislators. Employing a differences-in-differences ap-proach, we exploit the introduction of a law that equalized MEPs ’ salaries which had previously differed by as much as a factor of ten. Increasing salaries raises the fraction of MEPs who run for reelection but decreases the quality of elected MEPs (proxied by college quality). Salary has no discernible impact on effort or legislative output. Higher salaries induce more political competition. JEL classification: D72, D7

Labor Supply of Politicians

We examine the labor supply of politicians using data on Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). We exploit the introduction of a law that equalized MEPs ’ salaries, which had previously differed by as much as a factor of ten. Doubling an MEP’s salary increases the probability of running for reelection by 23 percentage points and increases the logarithm of the number of parties that field a candidate by 29 percent of a standard deviation. A salary increase has no discernible impact on absenteeism or shirking from legislative sessions; in contrast, non-pecuniary motives, proxied by home-country corruption, substantially impact the intensive margin of labor supply. Finally, an increase in salary lowers the quality of elected MEPs, measured by the selectivity of their undergraduate institutions. JEL classification: D72, D7