Three-Dimensional Nationalism : A Conceptual Approach

This thesis presents a three-dimensional approach of visualising and examining the phenomenon of nationalism. In this view, nationalism is seen as a modern social construction which can be subjected to critical analysis. By identifying the three respective dimensions of psychological, political, and discursive of nationalism, it is possible to create a framework with which to delve deeper into the concepts, ideas, and notions that nationalism portrays, and study the phenomenon in a more holistic manner. The psychological dimension is the basis for concepts such as identity, ethnicity, and culture, which were found to be of key importance to nationalism. By itself, these concepts are not enough to constitute as nationalism but require a political component to make it so. This is why the political dimension is needed as it provides nationalism with such concepts as self-determination, rights, state, and sovereignty. In the third, discursive, dimension the ideas stemming from the other two are compiled and compressed into a single nationalism that can be presented as a narrative to the public arena. With the framework the thesis presented, nationalism was found to operate in both of the realms of pluralism and monism. As the different sort of nationalisms offer people normative notions about living, behaving and thinking, they draw from the infinite pool of possible ideas and try to fuse them into a single worldview i.e. ideology that is then imposed on to the public. With the help of the framework which this thesis argues for, it can now be studied, just what sort of a life nationalism wants people to live, and how problematic or unproblematic such a life possibly is

How supranational institutions benefit from crises: Member states' solidarity and the EU's image during the COVID-19 pandemic

In this article, we demonstrate how solidarity between member states can have a positive effect on the image of the EU, even if the latter's actions in handling a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic are deemed unsatisfactory. Employing data from a special Eurobarometer survey enriched with data from the Oxford's COVID-19 government response tracker, we show that European citizens who are more satisfied with interstate solidarity have to a greater extent a positive image of the EU compared to citizens who are less satisfied. We also show that this effect is further pronounced in the case of EU citizens who are less satisfied with institutional solidarity, which is the solidarity going from EU institutions to the member states

Syklinen eurooppalaistuminen, koronakriisi ja Suomi

Artikkeli tarkastelee asiantuntijahaastatteluihin perustuen, miten erilaiset mutta toisiinsa limittyneet toiminnalliset logiikat ohjasivat EU:n ja sen jäsenvaltioiden, erityisesti Suomen, politiikkaa pandemian ensimmäisen runsaan puolentoista vuoden aikana. Logiikkoja hahmottuu kolme – itsekkyys, matkiminen ja koordinaatio – mutta ne muodostavat yhdessä kokonaisuuden, jota voidaan kuvata syklisen eurooppalaisuuden käsitteellä. Vaikka eurooppalaistumisen normatiivinen perusajatus ei kriisissä näytä horjuneen, koronatoimet toivat näkyväksi jännitteen toimivallaltaan rajoitetun ja eurooppalaisia ratkaisuja etsivän komission sekä itsekkäästi käyttäytyvien jäsenmaiden välillä. Samalla jäsenmaat ovat yhteisessä tilanteessa ja yksiselitteisen tieteellisen tiedon puuttuessa matkineet toisiaan sekä oppineet toisiltaan. Vaikka ongelmia oli, artikkeli osoittaa, että EU:n kyky yhdistää joustavasti erilaisia toimintatapoja ja -logiikoita muodostivat eurooppalaisuutta eteenpäin vievän voiman. Tämä konkretisoi puhetta siitä, kuinka EU kehittyy kriisien kautta.This article examines, based on expert interviews, how different but overlapping logics of action guided the policies of the EU and its member states, especially those of Finland, in the first year and a half of the pandemic. We see three inherent logics – selfishness, emulation and coordination – taking shape, together assembling a form of what we call cyclical Europeanisation. Even though the normative principle of Europeanisation does not seem to have faltered, actions regarding the pandemic make apparent the tension between the Commission and the selfish member states. At the same time, the member states have found themselves in the situation together and have emulated each other’s policy measures under conditions of ambiguous scientific information. Regardless of the problems incurred, the ability to revert the tensions between the logics and also combine them pragmatically have formed a driving force for Europeanisation that further bolsters the argument of how the EU develops through crises – and not simply in terms of one-dimensional emergency governance

Nationalism and the Topos of Threat : A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Argumentation used in the Televised Debates about the Scottish Independence Referendum of Debates about the Scottish Independence Referendum of 2014

This thesis examines nationalistic discourse in the televised debates regarding the Scottish independence referendum of 2014. It aims to bridge the gap in research about the different dimensions nationalism has and how they are discursively produced. This thesis also provides a novel theoretical framework for analysing nationalistic discourse. It claims that when discussing about the creation of a new nation-state, there is an inherent element of threat present, which frames the whole discourse. This allows for the identification of a topos of threat that positions the argumentation, and through which the discourse can be reflected, allowing deeper analysis and more fruitful findings. Rather than treating nationalism and discourse as separate entities, this thesis shows how they cannot be separated from one another as nationalism is produced in discourse. This thesis follows Breuilly (1993) in claiming that nationalism is first and foremost political behaviour which seeks to change unwanted circumstances through nationalistic argumentation. Using critical discourse analysis, this thesis found that threat based argumentation was indeed central in the debates. Both campaigns under examination frame their argumentation through the idea of why something is a threat and should thus not be done. For the pro-independence movement the threat was found to be the central government in Westminster and the Conservative party, while the pro-UK campaign insisted that Scotland would be worse off independent. The two debates were found not to be about presenting two competing notions of good but two competing notions of bad. More research is needed to show whether or not this is a general notion in nationalistic argumentation

Challenges faced by special education teachers

Erityisopetuksen reformi ja sen myötä kehitys oppimisen ja koulunkäynnin tueksi on muuttanut resurssien jakoa ja erityisopettajan työnkuvaa. Aikaisemmissa tutkimuksissa on havaittu puutteita resursseissa. Tähän asti kuitenkin kvantitatiivinen tutkimus erityisopettajan työn haasteista Suomessa on ollut vähäistä. Tämän eksploratiivisen kyselylomaketutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää, (1) millaiset haasteet vaikuttivat erityisopettajan työhön eniten sekä (2) millainen yhteys erityisopettajiin liittyvillä taustamuuttujilla oli haasteiden kokemiseen. Vastaajiksi soveltuivat kaikki erityisopettajina työskentelevät henkilöt varhaiskasvatuksesta toisen asteen koulutukseen. Erityisopettajien vastaukset kerättiin sähköisillä kyselylomakkeilla. Ensimmäiseen tutkimuskysymykseen vastattiin vertailemalla keskiarvoja ja frekvenssejä. Toiseen tutkimuskysymykseen vastattiin käyttämällä monimuuttujamenetelmiä (yksisuuntainen varianssianalyysi, Kruskal-Wallisin testi, kaksisuuntainen varianssianalyysi, t-testi, Post Hoc -testi, Analysis of Simple main effect). Kyselylomakkeella erityisopettajat (N = 339) arvioivat kuinka paljon mitkäkin haasteet vaikuttavat heidän työhönsä. Erityisopettajat kokivat työhönsä vaikuttavan työnkuvan laajenemisen sekä liian suuret kuntakohtaiset erot. Erityisopettajien vastauksissa useat ajan riittämättömyyteen liittyvät vastaukset saivat korkeita arvoja. Erityisopettajat kokivat myös, ettei yhteistyö toiminut riittävän hyvin ajan puutteen vuoksi eikä oppilaiden tuki toteutunut nykyisillä resursseilla. Myös oppilaiden ominaisuudet ja käyttäytyminen olivat haastavia. Taustamuuttujista opetusaste erotteli selvästi tehokkaimmin vastaajia. Myös eri ikäryhmien erityisopettajat kokivat haasteita eri tavoin. Lisäksi erityisopetuskokemus ja työnimike vaikuttivat. Vastauksissa näkyi eroja kouluttautumistavan ja työskentelykunnan asukasluvun perusteella. Näiden selitysaste oli kuitenkin pieni. Myös yhdysvaikutuksia löytyi: opetusaste ja ammattinimike sekä ammattinimike ja kouluttautumistapa. Näidenkin selitysaste oli kuitenkin pieni. Yhteyttä haasteiden kokemiseen ei sen sijaan ollut opettajan kokonaisopetuskokemuksella.The special education reform and development to support in learning and school attendance has resulted in major changes in the job description of Finnish special education teachers (SET). The distribution of resources to schools has also changed. Previous researchers have found a lack of resources in special education. Teachers also experience a lack of time in their work. To date, barely any quantitative research has been conducted on the challenges SETs face in their job in Finland. The aim of the study was to answer two questions: (1) What challenges do special education teachers find to have the biggest effect on their job? (2) Was there a connection between certain background variables and the teachers’ experiences of these challenges? All persons working as SET from early childhood education to secondary education were considered suitable respondents. The responses were collected via electric questionnaires. The first research question was answered by compiling the questionnaire answers and comparing their answers based on the means and frequencies. The second research question was answered using multivariate methods (one-way analysis of variance, Kruskal-Wallis test, two-way analysis of variance, t-test, Post Hoc test, Analysis of Simple main effect). In the questionnaire, SETs (N = 339) assessed how much each challenge affected their work. Judging by the responses, SET’s find that their work is affected by the expansion of their work as well as excessive differences between municipalities. In addition, several answers related to the inadequacy of time received high values in the responses. Because of this, SETs feel that collaboration does not work well enough and that there are not enough resources for supporting students. Students’ individual characteristics and behaviour is also considered challenging. Of the background variables, the level of education clearly distinguished the respondents most effectively. The SETs also experienced challenges in different ways depending on the age group they were in charge of. The experience with special education and the job title had an impact as well. Differences were also found based on the method of education and the population of the municipality the teacher worked in. However, the effects accounted for by these factors were small. The study also found synergies between variables. These included synergy between the level of education and the professional title, as well as the professional title and the education route. However, the effects of these factors were also small. On the other hand, no connection was found between experiences of the challenges and the teacher’s overall teaching experience

How supranational institutions benefit from crises : Member states’ solidarity and the EU's image during the COVID-19 pandemic

In this article, we demonstrate how solidarity between member states can have a positive effect for the image of the EU, even if the latter’s actions in handling a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic are deemed unsatisfactory. Employing data from a special Eurobarometer survey enriched with data from the Oxford's COVID-19 government response tracker, we show that European citizens who are more satisfied with interstate solidarity have to a greater extent a positive image of the EU compared to citizens who are less satisfied. We also show that this effect is further pronounced in the case of EU citizens who are less satisfied with institutional solidarity, which is the solidarity going from EU institutions to the member states.Peer reviewe