Sensory sensitivity as a link between concussive traumatic brain injury and PTSD.

Traumatic brain injury (TBI) is one of the most common injuries to military personnel, a population often exposed to stressful stimuli and emotional trauma. Changes in sensory processing after TBI might contribute to TBI-post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) comorbidity. Combining an animal model of TBI with an animal model of emotional trauma, we reveal an interaction between auditory sensitivity after TBI and fear conditioning where 75 dB white noise alone evokes a phonophobia-like phenotype and when paired with footshocks, fear is robustly enhanced. TBI reduced neuronal activity in the hippocampus but increased activity in the ipsilateral lateral amygdala (LA) when exposed to white noise. The white noise effect in LA was driven by increased activity in neurons projecting from ipsilateral auditory thalamus (medial geniculate nucleus). These data suggest that altered sensory processing within subcortical sensory-emotional circuitry after TBI results in neutral stimuli adopting aversive properties with a corresponding impact on facilitating trauma memories and may contribute to TBI-PTSD comorbidity

Metabolomics reveals mouse plasma metabolite responses to acute exercise and effects of disrupting AMPK-glycogen interactions

Introduction: The AMP-activated protein kinase (AMPK) is a master regulator of energy homeostasis that becomes activated by exercise and binds glycogen, an important energy store required to meet exercise-induced energy demands. Disruption of AMPK-glycogen interactions in mice reduces exercise capacity and impairs whole-body metabolism. However, the mechanisms underlying these phenotypic effects at rest and following exercise are unknown. Furthermore, the plasma metabolite responses to an acute exercise challenge in mice remain largely uncharacterized. Methods : Plasma samples were collected from wild type (WT) and AMPK double knock-in (DKI) mice with disrupted AMPK-glycogen binding at rest and following 30-min submaximal treadmill running. An untargeted metabolomics approach was utilized to determine the breadth of plasma metabolite changes occurring in response to acute exercise and the effects of disrupting AMPK-glycogen binding. Results: Relative to WT mice, DKI mice had reduced maximal running speed (p \u3c 0.0001) concomitant with increased body mass (p \u3c 0.01) and adiposity (p \u3c 0.001). A total of 83 plasma metabolites were identified/annotated, with 17 metabolites significantly different (p \u3c 0.05; FDR \u3c 0.1) in exercised (↑ 6; ↓ 11) versus rested mice, including amino acids, acylcarnitines and steroid hormones. Pantothenic acid was reduced in DKI mice versus WT. Distinct plasma metabolite profiles were observed between the rest and exercise conditions and between WT and DKI mice at rest, while metabolite profiles of both genotypes converged following exercise. These differences in metabolite profiles were primarily explained by exercise-associated increases in acylcarnitines and steroid hormones as well as decreases in amino acids and derivatives following exercise. DKI plasma showed greater decreases in amino acids following exercise versus WT. Conclusion : This is the first study to map mouse plasma metabolomic changes following a bout of acute exercise in WT mice and the effects of disrupting AMPK-glycogen interactions in DKI mice. Untargeted metabolomics revealed alterations in metabolite profiles between rested and exercised mice in both genotypes, and between genotypes at rest. This study has uncovered known and previously unreported plasma metabolite responses to acute exercise in WT mice, as well as greater decreases in amino acids following exercise in DKI plasma. Reduced pantothenic acid levels may contribute to differences in fuel utilization in DKI mice

Expanding the Duty to Rescue to Climate Migration

Photo by Jonathan Ford on Unsplash ABSTRACT Since 2008, an average of twenty million people per year have been displaced by weather events. Climate migration creates a special setting for a duty to rescue. A duty to rescue is a moral rather than legal duty and imposes on a bystander to take an active role in preventing serious harm to someone else. This paper analyzes the idea of expanding a duty to rescue to climate migration. We address who should have the duty and to whom the duty should extend. The paper discusses ways to define and apply the duty to rescue as well as its limitations, arguing that it may take the form of an ethical duty to prepare.  INTRODUCTION Climate migration creates a special setting for a duty to rescue. A duty to rescue is a moral rather than legal duty and imposes on a bystander to take an active role in preventing serious harm to someone else. Examples of circumstances range from person-to-person intimate rescue to saving those in poverty, even in distant parts of the world.[1] Since 2008, an average of twenty million people per year have been displaced by weather events.[2] Circumstances like being thrust from homes under the threat of fire, mudslide, and flooding vary greatly from long-term changes like land becoming too arid for crops or temperatures increasing annually gradually pushing up the number of heat-related deaths, with the area slowly becoming uninhabitable. Imminence in fleeing affects resettling and need for rescue with important implications for how the duty to rescue might apply. This paper reevaluates the ethical framing of the duty to rescue and, while it is arguably a stretch, applies it to climate migration.  Climate migration has become common and is expected to increase due to rises in sea level, increases in weather events that make areas uninhabitable, and changes to land that preclude farming or other necessary land uses. We argue that a duty to rescue may help highlight who has moral obligations to whom.  Because the problem is so large in scope, we suggest a change in the ethical limits to humans' duty to rescue other humans who are in distress. We imagine an expansion or extension of the duty to rescue to meet some of the basic needs created by climate migration. Yet how it should expand, and how much depend on ethical framing and practical limitations. l.     Expanding the Geographical Boundaries Two commonly recognized emergencies, Hurricane Katrina in the case of weather events and the current COVID-19 pandemic, provide a historical and current backdrop to evaluate ethical obligations as more disasters displace people. A significant reassessment of the ethical scope of an obligation to rescue in the case of weather events will be limited by the ability to render aid to those in distress in the case of a planet-wide weather catastrophe. The problems may overwhelm the ability to rescue or the reasonableness of attempting rescue. The extent of the moral obligation borne by humans to other humans in the case of a weather event has been largely defined by its locality and limited geographic influence. Whether we are imagining the scope of ethical obligation in the case of hurricane, flood, tornado, drought, or wildfire events, the perceived ethical obligation is significantly defined by the limited impact of these weather events on people outside the zone of the weather event's direct impact, yet close to that zone. A hurricane affecting New Orleans will not have immediate impact on the residents of California or even those on the northeast coast of the United States until a later time. Wildfires in the Pacific Northwest do not impair the ability of those in the rest of the country to come forward with assistance. But as climate migration crosses international borders, and climate events occur simultaneously in many regions, a more expansive duty to rescue may provide the ethical impulse to help those who live afar or migrate long distances.  In this respect, the need for help in the event of widespread climate migration due to global warming is more like a pandemic than a weather event. Its broad impact area diminishes the capability of nearly the entire balance of the human population to help due to those populations' awareness that they will, in short order, have the same need for the same resources, from the same cause. Those living near current flood zones may find their historically safe havens are also a flood zone. Those previously best positioned to rescue may find themselves also needing to relocate. Thus, we may observe the need for new rescuers. ll.     The Rule of Rescue The Rule of Rescue as defined by Al Jonsen describes the moral impetus or knee jerk reaction to save identifiable people facing death.[3] A duty to rescue has since been expanded beyond imminent death and beyond the near and identifiable. But there are limitations. For example, by most accounts, the ethical duty tends not to require extreme bodily risk or financial depletion. In comparing Good Samaritans to humanitarians, Scott M. James argues the duty to rescue arises from unique dependence, but the ethical obligation to help strangers through humanitarian aid is of a different nature.[4] The wrongness of failing to help is arguably more egregious when one is in a unique position to help. Like in the tragedy of the commons, where there is no unique positioning, when the global community is called upon to help, each individual in it may feel less obliged to do so. Climate migration falls in between—it requires helping strangers, yet it may move forward without anyone seeing themselves as uniquely positioned to help until those strangers become part of communities, at which time, there may be more moral justification to help a community member in need. Generally, arguments about Good Samaritans hinge on extraordinary acts, praiseworthy because they are acts of compassion, not obligation. Now all US states have Good Samaritan laws[5] which protect helpers from liability for help gone wrong or for a failure to succeed once engaged in an act of rescue. Extraordinary help as a moral good is thus somewhat encouraged through legal protection, but not imposed. Conversely, jobs like firefighting, search and rescue, and emergency medical care tend to oblige employees to take on risks that would be extraordinary if undertaken by the average bystander, yet they are rendered ordinary rescue as part of the job. Three states, Minnesota, Rhode Island, and Vermont have a broad duty to rescue, adding legal considerations to an otherwise moral conundrum. The laws do not require bystanders to take on risk for the sake of rescuing strangers.[6] The moral duty will require looking beyond law, but it is unclear how the moral duty to rescue should be distributed in the case of climate migration. A bare minimum would prevent taking advantage of newcomers, paying sub-minimum wage, and discriminating against them. Yet such a minimum is hardly rescue. lll.     An Ethical Rather than Legal Duty The difficulty in defining the duty to rescue as a legal obligation is that it is difficult to determine the extent of risk a rescuer ought to be required to take. The nature of this ethical duty is also arguably tied to the experiences of both the rescuer and the rescued. There are subjective aspects like what someone perceives as a danger that make it difficult to write enforceable laws requiring rescue. It is one thing to expect a rescuer to step into several inches of relatively warm water to lift a person lying face down in a pond and enable them to breathe. It is something altogether different to expect that rescuer to dive into frigid water and attempt to extricate someone trapped in a submerged automobile. As the legal philosopher H.L.A. Hart observed, it is always easier to define application of the core intention of any rule, whether law or ethical norm. It is more difficult to create legal certainty about how the law applies to what he described as “penumbra circumstances”. In the case of a hurricane, it is easier to define what surplus resources are available in areas geographically remote from the impact of the storm and demand, as a moral obligation, that those nearby but outside the area provide assistance. It is more difficult to obligate people, organizations, or governments to supply a quantity of medication or some number of ventilators to an adjacent community when they expect to imminently need them for their own community. In the early stages of climate migration, the ethics of extreme weather event assistance, a common application of the duty to rescue, will be useful and appropriate. The rising sea levels first experienced by island nations in the South Pacific[7] will not render those living in other coastal communities, those with greater available “high ground”, unable to supply resources to those in need. But when sea level rise and climate change affect more communities simultaneously, albeit in varying degree, the task of defining what response is ethically obligatory becomes increasingly complicated. Pinpointing the obligations of those communities which are resource rich to those communities which are resource deprived, and of those partly affected to those more severely affected may become necessary.  The limitations of the traditional duty to rescue could expand to meet the needs. lV.     Contribution to the Problem Many argue that the duty to rescue may depend on any appropriate claim of those needing rescue. One issue is whether preferential claims among those who can identify the source of the harm should call for a greater duty or whether everyone in need should be approached as like candidates for rescue, shaping the duty as equal across those on the receiving end. As climate change does have human-made causes, there are strong arguments to impose a greater ethical duty on any entity that caused the climate-related problems leading to the mass exodus. While the global north is often implicated in pollution that causes migration, industries like energy, transportation, and agriculture are tied to climate change and associated with significant greenhouse gas emissions.[8] Practices like directing agriculture to less sustainable single crop growth generally made land less farmable. Yet it is difficult to place blame and identify specific causal relationships as most migration is due to many factors. A movement toward greater accountability can be reframed as a greater duty to rescue, a duty to engage in the extraordinary. The fossil fuel industry, for example, should have a larger obligation than the average person. Similarly, some may argue anyone unjustly enriching themselves while contributing to climate change or people who over-consume have an elevated duty to rescue.[9] Climate change lawsuits demonstrate an eagerness to hold governments and corporations accountable, despite difficulty proving causation. V.     The Most Vulnerable One ethical dimension of climate migration that remains unexplored is how a duty to rescue applies to vulnerable populations who stand to be left behind or unable to migrate without assistance. Researchers from the Global North working across the Global South are increasingly observing the phenomenon of ethics dumping, where the research ethics of some countries are imposed on research subjects in other countries.[10] In that vein, rescuers should be careful not to impose unwelcome cultural standards or exploit people who are in the process of migrating. There is a gap in discussions reflecting voices that have been left out. The duty to rescue is incomplete without an attempt to understand the ethical experiences of those being rescued. The actual people affected by climate migration who are the least likely to have the means to migrate, or to do so without extreme hardship, should have a voice informing the global community including those in a position to carry out rescue. People who have the means and are young and healthy may easily make decisions to avoid the catastrophic consequences that climate migration brings. However, what about those who are left behind? For example, especially recognizing cultural differences, the homeless community, disabled community, refugees, the elderly community, and women[11] and children may suffer differently and call for more attention. In some parts of the world, human rights are severely constrained. An ethical duty to rescue, with many considerations and variables, may be more justified in the case of those most in need. As climate migration continues and increases significantly, it may be reasonable to ask the local and global community to focus on those least well positioned to migrate successfully. In this context, the use of phenomenology to understand the lived experiences of those migrating, sometimes termed “ethical experiences”, may help flesh out how a duty to rescue takes shape. The discussion of duty and obligation requires an articulation of the ethical experiences (how the local community in need of rescue views the proposed rescue).  Then, the obligation to interpret the duty as ‘one shall not’ or ‘one must’ can be focused on the migrants’ needs rather than the rescuers’ feelings of obligation.[12] A revised theory of the duty to rescue taking into account the asymmetrical experiences of communities involved could ensure that the needs of people whose living situations, gender, ethnicity, age, or race impact their ability to even begin the migration process are considered. In this discussion, the rescuing is directed toward communities /collectives of persons migrating, whether at once or across a period of time. Often, the climate migrant may not be in a state to articulate the nature of this event when it happens, given its subjective proximity. Yet, when communities are given the space and opportunity to articulate their shared values, the ethical action of rescue derives its meaningfulness from the community rather than the rescuers.  In other words, allowing climate migrants to explain their feelings can add complexity to what some see as a binary receiver-giver (of rescue) dynamic. This is necessary because the concept of vulnerable populations is fraught with problematic assumptions. There have been various definitions and criteria to determine what would constitute vulnerable populations.[13] For example, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change[14] identifies and assesses vulnerable populations. These criteria may be helpful. However, they do not provide the full picture. Rather than identifying categorical criteria of vulnerable populations, engaging with people who are experiencing climate migration and listening to their current experiences and concerns helps determine need. Knowing what people need may prevent the kneejerk reaction to label people who are quite resilient yet have appropriate needs “vulnerable”. Proceeding with caution is important because the duty to rescue has hierarchical underpinnings of "us" and "them." Often when people swoop in to save, there are good and bad consequences of the intervention. We should proceed with caution because often the helper misses the actual needs of those in need. The only way to combat this would be to make sure that people are empowered to inform those agencies that are able to help.  In addition to more practical approaches, large scale oral histories could allow those who have migrated already to share their experiences. It would be important to capture the lived experiences of people who are already experiencing the consequences of climate migration or of other migration like that due to political or economic extreme events. These experiences could shape our analysis of whether people in fact wish for rescue. If so, further conversations can determine best actions as well as give important insight into what resources might be necessary to empower people now and in the future.  Vl.     A Duty to Rescue as a Duty to Prepare If we view Good Samaritans as going above and beyond, then a duty to rescue, something ethically compelled, must bring rescue out of the framework of charity and place it in the context of humanity and obligations. Such a view would also support expanding the geographical reach of the otherwise more proximate duty. The duty may be stronger and take shape in a more workable way if it applies to preparing places expecting to see an influx of people due to climate migration and to helping those most in need. The duty may arise out of expectations of what type of community the place welcoming those migrating due to climate should be—does it want to offer good housing, schooling, and medical care as well as economic opportunity to new people? And if so, at what cost, or with which risks? If the newcomers are viewed as community members rather than strangers, a model of acceptance may lead to better preparation. Some considerations like whether the actions will reasonably help the persons in need of rescue[15] will shape the application of a duty to rescue in the context of climate migration. Similarly, ensuring that people have the chance to articulate their values may help communities support the newcomers. New relationships should not be defined as migrant and rescuer. Voluntariness in participation and not forcing any action deemed rescue would help ensure the human rights of those migrating. In the United States, President Biden issued an executive order addressing impending climate migration steeped in a duty to prepare by making plans for resettlement and to address the impact of climate migration.[16] Vll.     At What Risk? As we investigate the ethical obligations to meet even basic needs, we must also ask what level of risk is ethically compelled. There is an extraordinary need to integrate newcomers successfully, but it is difficult to stretch an ethical duty to rescue to require all the prerequisites for successful climate migration. Even defining success would create deep ethical arguments. As observed in almost all migrations, extraordinary charitable acts may be the key to success, while an ethical duty to rescue must try to require the important government and community-based basics and ensuring respect for human rights. That is, the migrating people should be rescued from circumstances that contradict basic human rights. Rather than comparing communities to bystanders, mere places where people will arrive and need to hash out how to find housing, jobs, education, and opportunity, a duty of preparation may be the key to rescue those disenfranchised by migration. There are cultural, personal, physical, psycho-social, and geopolitical issues surrounding how to best help those needing to permanently relocate. Ethics arguments will certainly range from “do nothing”, which may fail people, to “do everything”, which could waste taxpayer money in futile over-preparation while failing to actually help. Communities must avoid planning exclusively for one scenario only to have it not take place. Striking the balance, a duty to rescue as it could apply to climate migration should set goals of societal integration, and providing the basics like education, housing, food, health care, and job opportunity, the precursors to flourishing. Recommending the extraordinary, morally preferred but perhaps not compulsory, when charitable actors are participating, or when wrongdoers are compensating, may be more workable than seeing the duty to rescue as compelling people or local governments to take on significant financial and personal risk for newcomers. While humanitarian ethics supports helping everyone, it is likely that people who resettle in advance of a need to flee will find themselves with more choices and opportunities. Help is warranted for those with more dire needs. Preparing for them may do just that. Vlll.     Rescue Prior to Migration and Rescue in the Process of Resettlement The duty to enable the migration in the first-place hints to the inadequacy of a duty to prepare. The traditional duty to rescue perhaps steps in if rescue looks like those geographically just out of harm's way rescuing those in danger. That resembles the traditional moral requirement, or duty to rescue according to the Rule of Rescue. Humanitarian aid typically provided by many institutions makes sense and is in place, although financial support for additional humanitarian aid is always needed. Despite having moved to purportedly more capable communities, migrant communities may be able to develop more egalitarian orders of living.  Rather than continually being identified as having been rescued, it is important to make sure people keep or make social ties during and after migration.  Immigrants often face social isolation.[17] Small shifts in gestural language also have the potential to welcome people and show they are valued. For instance, some migrants may not like questions like “Where are you from?” and “What brings you here?” as they emphasize differences over fitting in. CONCLUSION The ethical duty to rescue should be expanded to better match those in need of relocation with a welcome environment and the resources needed to achieve success and fully integrate socially and culturally. Expanding a dialogue that includes the voices of people who have recently migrated whether due to violence, poverty, or climate, could properly frame the extent of the duty. If we are to apply the duty of rescue to climate migration, rescuers should avoid labeling people vulnerable, dependent, or needy, although there is reason to focus on those whose needs are the most dire. A soft duty to rescue people during the course of climate migration can come in the form of preparation. People will need help finding housing, education, access t

Synthesis of the elements in stars: forty years of progress

Forty years ago Burbidge, Burbidge, Fowler, and Hoyle combined what we would now call fragmentary evidence from nuclear physics, stellar evolution and the abundances of elements and isotopes in the solar system as well as a few stars into a synthesis of remarkable ingenuity. Their review provided a foundation for forty years of research in all of the aspects of low energy nuclear experiments and theory, stellar modeling over a wide range of mass and composition, and abundance studies of many hundreds of stars, many of which have shown distinct evidence of the processes suggested by B2FH. In this review we summarize progress in each of these fields with emphasis on the most recent developments

Prescription and Other Medication Use in Pregnancy

OBJECTIVE: To characterize prescription and other medication use in a geographically and ethnically diverse cohort of women in their first pregnancy. METHODS: In a prospective, longitudinal cohort study of nulliparous women followed through pregnancy from the first trimester, medication use was chronicled longitudinally throughout pregnancy. Structured questions and aids were used to capture all medications taken as well as reasons they were taken. Total counts of all medications taken including number in each category and class were captured. Additionally, reasons the medications were taken were recorded. Trends in medications taken across pregnancy and in the first trimester were determined. RESULTS: Of the 9,546 study participants, 9,272 (97.1%) women took at least one medication during pregnancy with 9,139 (95.7%) taking a medication in the first trimester. Polypharmacy, defined as taking at least five medications, occurred in 2,915 (30.5%) women. Excluding vitamins, supplements, and vaccines, 73.4% of women took a medication during pregnancy with 55.1% taking one in the first trimester. The categories of drugs taken in pregnancy and in the first trimester include the following: gastrointestinal or antiemetic agents (34.3%, 19.5%), antibiotics (25.5%, 12.6%), and analgesics (23.7%, 15.6%, which includes 3.6%; 1.4% taking an opioid pain medication). CONCLUSION: In this geographically and ethnically diverse cohort of nulliparous pregnant women, medication use was nearly universal and polypharmacy was common

Characteristics of severe anemia and its association with malaria in young children of the Kassena-Nankana District of northern Ghana.

Severe anemia is thought to be the principal underlying cause of malaria death in areas of intense seasonal malaria transmission such as the Kassena-Nankana District of northern Ghana. Factors associated with severe anemia in young children, 6-24 months old, were elucidated by analyzing results of 2 malaria-associated anemia surveys (1996, 2000), separated by 4 years, but conducted in the same community and at the same seasonal time point. Age-adjusted comparison confirmed that the proportion of severely anemic children and overall mean hemoglobin (Hb) levels in the November 2000 sample were significantly improved over those of the 1996 sample (17.5 versus 26.4%, P = 0.03; Hb 7.5 versus 6.9 g/dL, P = 0.002). Weight-for-age Z-scores also indicated a significant improvement in the 2000 sample (-1.93 versus -2.20, P or = 6.0 g/dL, those with severe anemia (Hb < 6.0 g/dL) were older, more frequently parasitemic (odds ratio [OR], 1.60; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.08-2.35), more often febrile (OR, 2.44; 95% CI, 1.71-3.48), and predominantly male (OR, 1.50; 95% CI, 1.05-2.13). An association was identified in both surveys between severe anemia and residence in the northern part of the district, but no clear link was observed in relation to irrigation. Blood transfusions, a likely surrogate index of severe anemia in young children, followed a distinct seasonal pattern. Evidence suggests that dramatic peaks and troughs of severe anemia are regular and possibly predictable events that may be used to gauge the health and survival of young children in this area

Organizational preparedness for the use of large language models in pathology informatics

In this paper, we consider the current and potential role of the latest generation of Large Language Models (LLMs) in medical informatics, particularly within the realms of clinical and anatomic pathology. We aim to provide a thorough understanding of the considerations that arise when employing LLMs in healthcare settings, such as determining appropriate use cases and evaluating the advantages and limitations of these models. Furthermore, this paper will consider the infrastructural and organizational requirements necessary for the successful implementation and utilization of LLMs in healthcare environments. We will discuss the importance of addressing education, security, bias, and privacy concerns associated with LLMs in clinical informatics, as well as the need for a robust framework to overcome regulatory, compliance, and legal challenges

Differences in muscle oxygenation between young and middle-aged recreationally active men during high-volume resistance exercise

The aim of this study was to compare muscle oxygenation of the vastus lateralis during a high-volume isokinetic resistance exercise protocol (HVP) between young adult (YA) and middle-aged adult (MA) men. Twenty recreationally trained men were assigned to either the YA (age 21.8±2.0 years, body mass 90.7±11.6 kg, body height 179±4.7 cm) or MA (age 47.0±4.4 years, body mass 96.1±21.6 kg, body height 177±7.7 cm) group. The HVP consisted of eight sets of 10 repetitions of unilateral isokinetic concentric knee extension and eccentric knee flexion at 60°·s-1. Changes in tissue hemoglobin saturation index (TSI), tissue oxygenated hemoglobin concentration (O2Hb), deoxygenated hemoglobin (HHb), and muscle oxidation index (O2Hb-HHb) were measured during the exercise session using the near-infrared spectroscopy (NIRS). Data were analyzed using two-way mix factorial analyses of variance. Prior to exercise, TSI was significantly greater (p=.024) for YA compared to MA. Significant decreases in O2Hb and O2Hb-HHb and increases in HHb were observed during each of the eight sets relative to the rest periods (p<.05) for both groups. The average change during the eight sets of the HVP revealed a significantly higher (p=.036) level of HHb and a lower (p=.029) level of O2Hb-HHb for MA compared to YA. A significant negative correlation was also noted at baseline between O2Hb-HHb index and the cross-sectional area of the vastus lateralis muscle (r=-.45, p=.045). During a high- volume resistance exercise, MA experienced reduced muscle oxygen saturation levels compared to YA. These results may be attributed to reductions in local tissue oxidative capacity and reduced blood delivery occurring during middle-age, and possibly due to group differences in muscle morphology

The role of the g9/2 orbital in the development of collectivity in the A = 60 region: The case of 61Co

An extensive study of the level structure of 61Co has been performed following the complex 26Mg(48Ca, 2a4npg)61Co reaction at beam energies of 275, 290 and 320 MeV using Gammasphere and the Fragment Mass Analyzer (FMA). The low-spin structure is discussed within the framework of shell-model calculations using the GXPF1A effective interaction. Two quasi-rotational bands consisting of stretched-E2 transitions have been established up to spins I = 41/2 and (43/2), and excitation energies of 17 and 20 MeV, respectively. These are interpreted as signature partners built on a neutron {\nu}(g9/2)2 configuration coupled to a proton {\pi}p3/2 state, based on Cranked Shell Model (CSM) calculations and comparisons with observations in neighboring nuclei. In addition, four I = 1 bands were populated to high spin, with the yrast dipole band interpreted as a possible candidate for the shears mechanism, a process seldom observed thus far in this mass region