Relative Clause and Downstep in Japanese

It has been proposed that Japanese downstep, in which the pitch register is lowered after an accented phrase, is sensitive to certain syntactic boundaries. In this paper, we investigate whether downstep is blocked at the relative clause boundary in a production experiment with ten speakers. The results suggest that it does not block downstep. On the other hand, there is a difference between adjectives and verbs when they are used attributively with a head noun: Downstep is observed robustly in the verb condition, whereas there is much inter-speaker variation in the adjective condition. Taken together with the results of past research, we propose that the different patterns found by syntactic category, in particular, adjectives, verbs, and nouns, may be explained by assuming speakers’ knowledge of the behavior of these categories that is activated when they pronounce the phrase. Nouns and verbs are readily available as a combined concept in Japanese and thus downstep is not blocked, whereas combinations of adjectives are not so readily available, and thus speakers may insert a boundary, breaking up a phrase that would otherwise constitute a single domain for downstep

Downstep in Japanese Revisited : Morphology Matters

筑波大学成蹊大学University of TsukubaSeikei University日本語には，無アクセント語に後続する語のf0よりアクセントのある語に後続する語のf0が低くなる現象，いわゆるダウンステップがある。統語と音韻のインターフェースの観点から，Selkirk and Tateishi（1991）は，XPの左端が major phrase の左端に写像され，これによりダウンステップがブロックされると主張する。しかし Kubozono（1991）のデータはこの主張に反する。本研究では，従来の研究で特に取り沙汰されていなかったダウンステップにおける品詞の影響を検討した。音声産出実験の結果，品詞が日本語のダウンステップの有無に影響する可能性があることが明らかになった。特に，名詞の連続する句でダウンステップが見られたが，形容詞のイ形が連続する句では見られなかった。先行研究の指摘同様，Selkirk and Tateishi（1991）の一般化には疑問が残る。ダウンステップが阻止される要因は，ある形態を使用するときに生まれる句全体の不自然さであると分析した。また，日本語のダウンステップ研究で形態をコントロールする必要があることが示唆された。It has been widely acknowledged that an f0 after an accented word is noticeably lower than after an unaccented word in Japanese (i.e., downstep). In pursuing research concerning the syntax-phonology interface, Selkirk and Tateishi (1991) highlight the lack of downstep at the left edges of maximal projections of syntactic categories (XPs), and propose that the left edges of XPs are mapped onto the left edges of the major phrase boundaries that block downstep. Kubozono (1991) provides empirical results that are different from Selkirk and Tateishi (1991). This study aims to test the effect of different lexical categories on downstep, as the distinction between different categories is frequently ignored in the literature regarding Japanese downstep. The results from a production test suggest the possibility that distinct lexical categories influence the presence or absence of downstep in Japanese. Specifically, downstep occurred in the noun condition but not in the adjective condition with -i endings, which casts doubt on Selkirk and Tateishi\u27s generalization. We propose that the blocking of downstep is due to the perceived unnaturalness associated with the morphology of adjectives. Moreover, this research reveals an important implication regarding the methodology: lexical category and morphological forms should be carefully controlled for studying Japanese downstep

Lexical Category and Downstep in Japanese

In pursuing the mapping between syntax and phonology/prosody, little attention has been paid to the kinds of syntactic information that can affect prosody. In this paper, we explore Japanese downstep, a process in phrasal phonology. What syntactic information affects downstep and what does not? Specifically, do lexical categories affect downstep? We investigate the effects of nouns, adjectives, and verbs in different syntactic settings (e.g., [X1 [X2 N]], [[X1 X2] N], predicative X) through production experiments. We found that adjectives in [X1 [X2 N]] may block downstep, whereas adjectives in other structures as well as nouns and verbs generally do not block it. We analyze this phonological patterning as being derivative of an interaction between syntactic structures and lexical categories

Contrast in Japanese vowels

Phonological patterning reflects the feature specifications of the inventory of a language. I explain the behaviour of vowels in Japanese /a, i, u, e, o/ in terms of their featural specifications under the assumption of the theory of contrastive specification, a theory that incorporates hierarchical determination of features. The phonological processes of Japanese include epenthesis, coalescence and allophonic rules. We encounter contradictory evidence for phonological feature specification from the different processes. However, the contradiction can be solved by recognizing the different domains in which each phonological process takes place. Rules that apply in the lexical domain have access only to the underlyingly specified features, while post-lexical rules can also refer to the features that are underspecified in the lexicon. However, the features available in the post-lexical domain involve a wider set than those at the lexical level. The domain-based analysis allows us to maintain the idea of contrastive specification for the underlying representation. In examining the mutual relationship between the underlyingly specified features, it is proposed that there is more than one possible hierarchical ordering for the Japanese vowel system

Place asymmetry and markedness of labials in Japanese

The voiceless labial stop has been recognized to be a marked segment in Japanese phonology. For instance, singleton [p] does not occur in Yamato items, and it exhibits a restricted distribution in the Sino-Japanese items. However, less attention has been paid to the place asymmetry in loanwords. In this paper, I explore loanwords and show that special characteristics of labials are indeed found here, too. I further attempt to capture and formalize this property of labials, as compared to the other places of articulation, in the Japanese system as a whole

A preliminary study of postlexical syllable structure in Japanese: a view from vowel

Prosodic structure has been the subject of a great deal of discussion in phonology, but prosodic structure at the postlexical level has perhaps received less attention than at the lexical level. This paper sheds light on postlexical aspects of prosodic structure and investigates the question of what is permissible structure there; specifically, whether the prosodic structure in the postlexical domain differs from that found in the lexical domain. The process of interest is High Vowel Devoicing/Deletion in Tokyo Japanese. Kondo (e.g., 1997) analyzes this process as a change in syllable structure involving desyllabification. I test the hypothesis that desyllabification is present in this process. Preliminary results based on production and perception data suggest that, contrary to Kondo’s proposal, desyllabification is not present. Based on this, I conclude that the syllable structure is the same in the postlexical domain as in the lexical domain

Postlexical Prosodic Structure and Vowel Devoicing in Japanese (2009)

The thesis explores the nature of postlexical representation, as compared to lexical representation. In particular, focusing on prosodic representations, the question is asked as to whether the representation really alters when it appears to do so.I investigate this question through a study of the postlexical process of High Vowel Devoicing/Deletion (HVD) in Japanese. In this process, apparent consonant clusters are created, with the apparent deletion of the vowel, and of the syllable and mora units projected from the vowel in the lexical domain. Two questions are raised. First, is the prosodic unit deleted in HVD? Second, does the prosodic inventory change in the postlexical domain; do these apparent consonant clusters actually form clusters linearly with the deletion of the vowel in the postlexical representation?The literature on HVD shows disagreement. Some researchers argue that the syllable unit is maintained (e.g., Beckman 1996) while others argue for desyllabification (e.g., Kondo 1997). Some researchers argue for the deletion of the vowel (e.g., Beckman & Shoji 1984) while others argue that the vowel is not deleted but rather devoiced (e.g., McCawley 1968, Tsuchida 1997).The thesis presents the following claims. First, the syllable unit and the mora unit are maintained in the postlexical domain in Japanese. By showing that the lexical accent contrasts are maintained in pitch contours in HVD, I conclude that the syllable unit remains present in HVD. With respect to the mora, by examining places where the mora is important (e.g., poetry), I show that there is no evidence for demoraification with HVD.Second, the syllable and mora inventories do not change in the postlexical domain in Japanese. I specifically test the hypothesis that HVD derives syllabic/moraic voiceless consonants. Considering the consequences of this hypothesis for segmental processes and the learning process along with the perception of Japanese speakers, I conclude that the apparent consonant clusters are best analyzed not as clusters postlexically, and that the prosodic inventory does not alter. Rather, segments and prosodic units are all kept intact as in the lexical representation, with the vowel undergoing HVD remaining present in the representation

Lexical Category and Downstep in Japanese

In pursuing the mapping between syntax and phonology/prosody, little attention has been paid to the kinds of syntactic information that can affect prosody. In this paper, we explore Japanese downstep, a process in phrasal phonology. What syntactic information affects downstep and what does not? Specifically, do lexical categories affect downstep? We investigate the effects of nouns, adjectives, and verbs in different syntactic settings (e.g., [X1 [X2 N]], [[X1 X2] N], predicative X) through production experiments. We found that adjectives in [X1 [X2 N]] may block downstep, whereas adjectives in other structures as well as nouns and verbs generally do not block it. We analyze this phonological patterning as being derivative of an interaction between syntactic structures and lexical categories