Vulnerability of Subsistence Systems Due to Social and Environmental Change: A Case Study in the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta, Alaska

Arctic Indigenous communities have been classified as highly vulnerable to climate change impacts. The remoteness of Arctic communities, their dependence upon local species and habitats, and the historical marginalization of Indigenous peoples enhances this characterization of vulnerability. However, vulnerability is a result of diverse historical, social, economic, political, cultural, institutional, natural resource, and environmental conditions and processes and is not easily reduced to a single metric. Furthermore, despite the widespread characterization of vulnerability, Arctic Indigenous communities are extremely resilient as evidenced by subsistence institutions that have been developed over thousands of years. We explored the vulnerability of subsistence systems in the Cup’ik village of Chevak and Yup’ik village of Kotlik through the lens of the strong seasonal dimensions of resource availability. In the context of subsistence harvesting in Alaska Native villages, vulnerability may be determined by analyzing the exposure of subsistence resources to climate change impacts, the sensitivity of a community to those impacts, and the capacity of subsistence institutions to absorb these impacts. Subsistence resources, their seasonality, and perceived impacts to these resources were investigated via semi-structured interviews and participatory mapping-calendar workshops. Results suggest that while these communities are experiencing disproportionate impacts of climate change, Indigenous ingenuity and adaptability provide an avenue for culturally appropriate adaptation strategies. However, despite this capacity for resiliency, rapid socio-cultural changes have the potential to be a barrier to community adaptation and the recent, ongoing shifts in seasonal weather patterns may make seasonally specific subsistence adaptations to landscape particularly vulnerable.Les collectivités autochtones de l’Arctique sont classées comme étant fortement vulnérables aux incidences du changement climatique. L’éloignement des collectivités de l’Arctique, leur dépendance des espèces et des habitats locaux de même que la marginalisation historique des peuples autochtones intensifient cette vulnérabilité. Toutefois, la vulnérabilité est le résultat de conditions et de processus divers sur le plan historique, social, économique, politique, culturel, institutionnel, environnemental et des ressources naturelles. Il est difficile d’attribuer la vulnérabilité à un seul aspect. Malgré cette vaste caractérisation de la vulnérabilité, les collectivités autochtones de l’Arctique sont extrêmement résilientes, comme en attestent les modes de subsistance qui se sont développés au fil de milliers d’années. Nous avons exploré la vulnérabilité des systèmes de subsistance du village cup’ik de Chevak et du village yup’ik de Kotlik du point de vue des dimensions saisonnières fortes de la disponibilité des ressources. Dans le contexte des récoltes de subsistance des villages autochtones de l’Alaska, la vulnérabilité peut être déterminée au moyen de l’exposition des ressources de subsistance aux incidences du changement climatique, de la sensibilité d’une collectivité à ces incidences et de la capacité des institutions de subsistance à absorber ces incidences. Les ressources de subsistance, leur saisonnalité et les incidences perçues de ces ressources ont été étudiées au moyen d’entrevues semi-structurées et d’ateliers participatifs d’établissement de calendrier. Selon les résultats, bien que ces collectivités soient aux prises avec des incidences disproportionnées de changement climatique, l’ingéniosité et l’adaptabilité des Autochtones pavent le chemin à des stratégies d’adaptation convenant à leur culture. Cependant, malgré cette capacité de résilience, les changements socioculturels accélérés ont la possibilité de faire obstacle à l’adaptation collective, sans compter que la variation continue des tendances climatiques saisonnières peut rendre les adaptations de subsistance saisonnières au paysage particulièrement vulnérables

Finishing the euchromatic sequence of the human genome

The sequence of the human genome encodes the genetic instructions for human physiology, as well as rich information about human evolution. In 2001, the International Human Genome Sequencing Consortium reported a draft sequence of the euchromatic portion of the human genome. Since then, the international collaboration has worked to convert this draft into a genome sequence with high accuracy and nearly complete coverage. Here, we report the result of this finishing process. The current genome sequence (Build 35) contains 2.85 billion nucleotides interrupted by only 341 gaps. It covers ∼99% of the euchromatic genome and is accurate to an error rate of ∼1 event per 100,000 bases. Many of the remaining euchromatic gaps are associated with segmental duplications and will require focused work with new methods. The near-complete sequence, the first for a vertebrate, greatly improves the precision of biological analyses of the human genome including studies of gene number, birth and death. Notably, the human enome seems to encode only 20,000-25,000 protein-coding genes. The genome sequence reported here should serve as a firm foundation for biomedical research in the decades ahead

Changing times, changing stories: generational differences in climate change perspectives from four remote indigenous communities in Subarctic Alaska

Indigenous Arctic and Subarctic communities currently are facing a myriad of social and environmental changes. In response to these changes, studies concerning indigenous knowledge (IK) and climate change vulnerability, resiliency, and adaptation have increased dramatically in recent years. Risks to lives and livelihoods are often the focus of adaptation research; however, the cultural dimensions of climate change are equally important because cultural dimensions inform perceptions of risk. Furthermore, many Arctic and Subarctic IK climate change studies document observations of change and knowledge of the elders and older generations in a community, but few include the perspectives of the younger population. These observations by elders and older generations form a historical baseline record of weather and climate observations in these regions. However, many indigenous Arctic and Subarctic communities are composed of primarily younger residents. We focused on the differences in the cultural dimensions of climate change found between young adults and elders. We outlined the findings from interviews conducted in four indigenous communities in Subarctic Alaska. The findings revealed that (1) intergenerational observations of change were common among interview participants in all four communities, (2) older generations observed more overall change than younger generations interviewed by us, and (3) how change was perceived varied between generations. We defined "observations" as the specific examples of environmental and weather change that were described, whereas "perceptions" referred to the manner in which these observations of change were understood and contextualized by the interview participants. Understanding the differences in generational observations and perceptions of change are key issues in the development of climate change adaptation strategies