Effects of dipotassium-trioxohydroxytetrafluorotriborate, K2[B3O3F4OH], on cell viability and gene expression of common human cancer drug targets in a melanoma cell line.

Recently it was found that dipotassium-trioxohydroxytetrafluorotriborate, K2(B3O3F4OH), is a potent and highly specific inhibitor of precancerous cell processes. We conducted gene expression profiling of human melanoma cells before and after treatment with two concentrations (0.1 and 1 mM) of this boron inorganic derivative in order to assess its effects on deregulation of genes associated with tumor pathways. Parallel trypan blue exclusion assay was performed to assess the cytotoxicity effects of this chemical. Treatment with K2(B3O3F4OH) induced a significant decrease of cell viability in melanoma cellline at both tested concentrations. Furthermore, these treatments caused deregulation of more than 30 genes known as common anti-tumor drug targets. IGF-1 and hTERT were found to be significantly downregulated and this result may imply potential use of K2(B3O3F4OH) as an inhibitor or human telomerase and insulin-like growth factor 1, both of which are associated with various tumor pathways

When non-nationalist voters support ethno-nationalist parties: the 1990 elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a prisoner’s dilemma game

In 1990, according to polls, 7 out of 10 citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were against ethnic parties. Yet, 75% of voters ended up voting for one of the three main ethno-nationalist parties. In no other post-communist country, including other former Yugoslav republics, did ethnic parties receive such large support in the first democratic elections. In Croatia, for example, in the 1990 elections the Croatian ethnic party Hrvatska demokratska zajednica gathered 42% and the Serb ethnic party Srpska demokratska stranka gathered only 2% of the vote. Were Bosnians and Herzegovinians already that much ethno-nationalistically oriented in 1990? The article rejects this thesis and purports to explain the voting behaviour of the Bosnian electorate by using the prisoner’s dilemma theoretical framework. It concludes by arguing that the problem of collective action could have been addressed via a pre-electoral referendum on a ban of ethnic parties–a ban which had been actually adopted by the then-ruling Communist party, but was eventually overturned by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina