117 research outputs found

    Iz korespondencije Ademage Mešića uoči uspostave Banovine Hrvatske. Pismo Društva bosansko-hercegovačkih Hrvata u Zagrebu reis-ul-ulemi Fehimu Spahi i vrhbosanskom nadbiskupu Ivanu Šariću iz svibnja 1939.

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    Ademaga Mešić je vlastitu pismohranu i knjižnicu prije 1941. oporučno darovao sarajevskoj Napretkovoj kulturno-historijskoj zbirci. Mešićeva ostavština nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, nedostupna istraživačima, pohranjena je u Nacionalnu i univerzitetsku biblioteku Bosne i Hercegovine u Sarajevu koja je u kolovozu 1992. izgorjela u srpskom topničkom napadaju. Sačuvani dio ostavštine predstavlja važan izvor za razumijevanje političkih prilika u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1935. do 1941. i političko-nacionalnih stajališta bosansko-hercegovačkih muslimana hrvatskih nacionalista čiji je Ademaga Mešić jedan od najistaknutijih predstavnika

    The Yugoslav Muslim Organisation (JMO) from the Introduction of King Alexander’s Dictatorship until Sarajevo Points (1929—1933)

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    U članku se na temelju neobjavljenog arhivskog gradiva i literature prikazuje djelovanje Jugoslavenske muslimanske organizacije u razdoblju šestosiječanjske diktature do objave stranačkih Sarajevskih punktacija. Njezino je djelovanje, kao uostalom i svih drugih političkih stranaka, zabranjeno na početku kraljeve diktature. Stranačko vodstvo odbacilo je ponude za ulazak u diktatorsku vladu i tako se našlo u trajnoj oporbi prema novonastalom stanju. Pasivno prihvačanje, režima, politička apstinencija, bez izdavanja posebnih naputaka pristašama na terenu, ali i izostanak bilo kakvih javnih političkih ocjena obilježavali su stranačko djelovanje u prvoj fazi diktature. Preokret je nastupio početkom 1933. objavom Sarajevskih punktacija, kojima je Jugoslavenska muslimanska organizacija potvrdila tradicionalne elemente stranačkog programa o potrebi istinske parlamentarne vladavine i uspostave autonomne Bosne i HercegovineAt the beginning of the King’s dictatorship, the Yugoslav Muslim Organisation (JMO) was banned, like all other political parties. The party’s leadership refused an offer to enter the dictator’s government and was in continual opposition. The passive acceptance of the regime, political abstinence without special instructions to supporters in the field, as well as the absence of any type of public political evaluation of the dictatorship characterised party activity. In contrast to local party organisations that stopped political activity in the dictatorship, leadership of JMO in Sarajevo continued to maintain mutual contacts. Their conduct was coordinated with the leaders of the other banned parties, especially the Serbian, for which it was believed would provide the framework of authority in the event of a renewed parliamentary life. Two opposition centres towards the dictatorship, Zagreb and Belgrade gradually formed and were based on earlier political party relations. They were linked by common demands for the return of constitutionality and parliamentary life, but opposed with respect to solutions of state crisis and the form of future constitutional-legal arrangements. Under these circumstances, the leadership of JMO needed to decide between independent political activities, narrower collaboration with leaders of the opposition in Belgrade or adherence to the Croatian state-legal opposition in Zagreb that was already hit by repression at the beginning of the dictatorship. The leadership of JMO supported both opposition concepts, Croatian state-legal in terms of a return to 1918 and the formation of a new constitutional-legal solution, under the condition that Bosnia and Herzegovina obtain the position of autonomous units, and Serbian according to which there would be first a renewal of parliamentary life and a return of lost power in the government and then subsequently a negotiation of state arrangements. Calculating that the leaders of the old Serbian political parties will provide the framework of governance in the event of a renewal political-party life, the leadership of JMO made a decision to closely collaborate with the Serbian opposition. In the meantime, relations with Zagreb and the Peasant Democratic Coalition (SDK) developed through individual contacts with the leadership of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and its representatives in Sarajevo. Close collaboration with leaders of the opposition from Belgrade should have guaranteed JMO’s return to power in the incidence of political change and make impossible every agreement based on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The appearance of anti-regime oppositional Zagreb and Ljubljana Points at the end of 1932 and at the beginning of 1933 trapped JMO until then oriented to the avoidance of independent political statements, especially of a state-legal nature. This opened up a conflict with the palace exposed it to state repression and brought into question coveted participation in the government with other leaders of the Serbian opposition. So, the party leadership of JMO composed their own political-party statement, which confirmed their opposed standpoint towards the King’s dictatorship. The Sarajevo Points represented just a new shaping of the old party autonomous programme, which JMO inconsistently emphasised during its political life prior to 1929, but was in considerable contrast to the constitutional and political-national background of the dictatorship

    Application of mandarine peel extracts for preparation of biofilms based on pectin

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    U ovom radu određen je kemijski sastav kore mandarine, a potom su njeni ekstrakti upotrijebljeni pri izradi biofilmova na bazi pektina. Ekstrakti kore mandarine pripremljeni su ekstrakcijom 7,5, 15 i 30 g svježe i usitnjene kore u deioniziranoj vodi, na vodenoj kupelji pri 60 °C u vremenu od 3 h. Biofilmovi s pektinom kao osnovnim sastojkom, uz dodatak glicerola i kalcijeva klorida kao plastifikatora i umreživača, bez i sa dodatkom priređenih ekstrakata karakterizirani su FTIR spektroskopijom. Rezultati su pokazali da se biofilmovi pripremljeni s vodom i ekstraktima kore mandarine razlikuju po intenzitetu IR apsorpcijskih vrpci, koje rastu proporcionalno masenim udjelima ekstrakata ukazujući na prisutnost polifenola. Zaključno, svi pripravljeni biofilmovi pogodni su kao potencijalna sirovina za oblaganje proizvoda, s time da filmovi pripravljeni s većim masenim udjelima kore mandarine mogu vjerovatno utjecati i na poboljšanje funkcionalnih, nutritivnih i organoleptička svojsta proizvoda, u odnosu na čisti pektinski biofilm.In this work the chemical composition of mandarin peel was determined and subsequently its extracts were utilized for making of biofilms on pectin base. The mandarin peel extracts were prepared by extraction of 7.5, 15 and 30 g of fresh and milled peel in deionised water, in water bath at 60 °C during 3 h. Biofilms with pectin as a main component, with addition of glycerol and potassium chloride, as plasticizer and cross-linker, without and with prepared extracts were characterised by FTIR spectroscopy. The results showed that biofilms prepared with water and mandarin peel extracts are distinguished by the intensity of IR apsorption bands, which are incresed proportionally with mass fraction of extracts, indicating the presence of polyphenols. In conclusion, all prepared biofilms are suitable as a potential material for coating of products, considering that biofilms formed with higher mass fraction of mandarin peel could possibly influence on improvment of functional, nutritive and organoleptic properties of products, in comparison with pure pectin biofilms

    Ličnost i vjerovanja u paranormalno

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    Paranormalna su vjerovanja vjerovanja u nadnaravno, u pojave koje krše osnovna ograničavajuća načela znanosti. Usprkos mnogim teorijama koje pokušavaju objasniti zašto su ljudi skloni takvim vjerovanjima, tek su se novija istraživanja počela detaljnije baviti faktorima koji su u podlozi stjecanja takvih uvjerenja. Osim povezanosti kognitivnih sposobnosti, lokusa kontrole, shizotipije i narcizma s paranormalnim vjerovanjima, rad opisuje i povezanost osobina ličnosti, odnosno Velikih pet faktora ličnosti, s prisutnošću istih. Neuroticizam, otvorenost ka iskustvu i savjesnost pokazali su se značajno povezanima s paranormalnim vjerovanjima. Rad se osvrće i na problem mjerenja paranormalnih uvjerenja, odnosno nemogućnost postizanja konsenzusa među istraživačima oko definicije predmeta mjerenja i, posljedično, nemogućnost uspoređivanja različitih dobivenih rezultata. Iako dimenzionalnost paranormalnih vjerovanja još uvijek ostaje otvoreno pitanje, određena suglasnost među istraživačima postignuta je Tobacykovom Revidiranom skalom paranormalnih vjerovanja. Naposljetku, rad se dotiče implikacija za buduća istraživanja kao što su proširivanje mjerenja na specifičnije faktore, odnosno facete, i uzimanje u obzir sociokulturalne utjecaje

    Creation and Protection of Human Rights in Serbia - The Standard Framework and legal Reality

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    U tekstu autorica raspravlja o pitanju ostvarivanja i zaštite ukupne problematike prava u Srbiji. Polazeći pritom od pretpostavke daje Srbija "nedovršena država" autorica stavlja težište na pravnoj modernizacijskoj nedovršenosti i zapuštenosti Srbije i bez čijeg sagledavanja nije moguće razumjeti stanje u ostvarivanju i zaštiti ljudskih prava. Nakon pregleda i analize normativnih okvira posebno se akcentira problematika nekažnjivosti odnosno nedostižnosti pravde i prava u pravnom poretku Srbije. Jedan od odgovora na kojega upućuje autorica jeste da u Srbiji nedostaje moderna demokratska tradicija i kultura.The author discusses the issue of the creation and protection of the entire problem area of rights in Serbia. Given the assumption that Serbia is an \u27unfinished state\u27, the author emphasises the incomplete and neglected nature of Serbia in terms of legal modernisation. Without observation of this, it is impossible to understand the situation in the creation and protection of human rights. After an overview and analysis of the standard framework, the problem area of non-punishment is accentuated, that is the unattainability of justice and law in the Serbian legal system. One of the answers the author points to is that Serbia lacks a modern democratic tradition and culture
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