CIVIL SOCIETY AS A THREAT TO DEMOCRACY: ORGANIZATIONAL BASES OF THE POPULIST COUNTERREVOLUTION IN POLAND. CES Open Forum Series 2019-2020

A distinctive trajectory of civil society transformation in Poland has provided organizational foundations for the cultural and political polarization and facilitated country’s recent turn towards authoritarianism. Developments in Poland suggest that the reigning notion of the inherent virtuousness of civil society, its unquestionably beneficial role in strengthening democracy and assumed liberal preferences of civil society actors need to be reassessed. Consequently, I argue that the particular organizational configuration of civil society, its sectoral composition, normative orientation of its actors and prevailing cleavages can either strengthen or undermine democracy. Since country’s transition to democracy in 1989, Polish civil society has evolved into an organizational form that can be described as “pillarized civil society.” While historically pillarization of civil society was considered to be a peculiar phenomenon in the Low Countries in the XIX century, this form of civil society organization has become increasingly common in contemporary democratic societies with dividing boundaries shaped by identitybased cleavages (religious, ethnic, political). The presence of vertically segmented civil society enables extreme cultural and political polarization and facilitated mobilization of far-right, nationalist and conservative religious movements. In Poland, pillarized civil society affect electoral fortune of liberal parties, provides support for anti-liberal and anti-European policies of the current Polish government dominated by the Law and Justice party as well as defines political conflicts and protest politics

The Weakness of Post-Communist Civil Society Reassessed. CES Papers - Open Forum #11, 2012

During the last two decades, scholars from a variety of disciplines have argued that civil society is structurally deficient in post-communist countries. Yet why have the seemingly strong, active and mobilized civic movements of the transition period become so weak after democracy was established? And why have there been diverging political trajectories across the post-communist space if civil society structures were universally weak? This paper uses a wide range of data from various available sources to show that civil societies in Central and Eastern European countries are not as feeble as is commonly assumed. Some post-communist countries possess vigorous public spheres, and active civil society organizations strongly connected to transnational civic networks able to shape domestic policies. Following the calls by Anheier (2004) and Bernhard and Karakoç (2007) we adopt a multidimensional approach to the measurement of civil society. In a series of cross-section timeseries models, we show that our broader measures of civic and social institutions are able to predict the diverging transition paths among post-communist regimes, and in particular the growing gap between democratic East Central Europe and the increasingly authoritarian post-Soviet space

How European Union Membership Can Undermine the Rule of Law in Emerging Democracies

The European Union views the spread of economic prosperity and rule of law to countries emerging from dictatorship as among its primary goals when considering countries as candidates for membership. Existing literature often suggests that EU membership confers significant benefits on the accession countries, and these countries are willing to undergo costly and difficult reforms to reap these benefits. Through strict membership conditions, member states force accession countries to commit to democracy. Drawing on theoretical work in the fields of law, politics, and economics, this article reassesses the conventional wisdom. It argues that, under certain conditions, the reforms required of would-be members could have the perverse effect of undermining the establishment of legitimate law in transitional democracies. Using an agent-based model, the article elucidates a theory in which placing laws on the books around which no societal consensus exists can create perverse incentives for citizens and government officials and may lead to an erosion of the rule of law

“A very orderly retreat”: Democratic transition in East Germany, 1989-90

East Germany's 1989-90 democratisation is among the best known of East European transitions, but does not lend itself to comparative analysis, due to the singular way in which political reform and democratic consolidation were subsumed by Germany's unification process. Yet aspects of East Germany's democratisation have proved amenable to comparative approaches. This article reviews the comparative literature that refers to East Germany, and finds a schism between those who designate East Germany's transition “regime collapse” and others who contend that it exemplifies “transition through extrication”. It inquires into the merits of each position and finds in favour of the latter. Drawing on primary and secondary literature, as well as archival and interview sources, it portrays a communist elite that was, to a large extent, prepared to adapt to changing circumstances and capable of learning from “reference states” such as Poland. Although East Germany was the Soviet state in which the positions of existing elites were most threatened by democratic transition, here too a surprising number succeeded in maintaining their position while filing across the bridge to market society. A concluding section outlines the alchemy through which their bureaucratic power was transmuted into property and influence in the “new Germany”

PATTERNS IN EAST EUROPEAN TRANSFORMATION

Four factors seem to be decisive in determining the character and dynamics of transformation: the legacy of the past - the initial condition; the institutional choices; the degree of external assistance; policies of the new governments. In order to understand the East-European transformations and discover any patterns in these processes one must turn more attention to the legacy of the past and the initial condition i.e. follow a path dependency approach. No breakup with the past, even such radical as in East-Central Europe, can ever be complete. The past carries not only the elements dysfunctional for the new democratic and market order but also some which provide support for the changes. Among them one can list the negative experience with political crises, the attempts to reform the economy and liberalize the political system (even if not successful), the pragmatism of the communist elites, the emergence of the political and cultural opposition, the opening to the West. The 'path dependency' perspective, combines serious analysis of the historical experiences with the appreciation of singular events (such as for e.g. the first free elections) and their temporal sequence. It explains why some countries are successful in their transformation while others can't leave the circle of doom