The Factory Action and the Events at the Rosenstrasse in Berlin: Facts and Fictions about 27 February 1943 — Sixty Years Later

Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich.This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively

New Perspectives on Kristallnacht: After 80 Years, the Nazi Pogrom in Global Comparison

On November 9 and 10, 1938, Nazi leadership unleashed an unprecedented orchestrated wave of violence against Jews in Germany, Austria, and the Sudetenland, supposedly in response to the assassination of a Nazi diplomat by a young Polish Jew, but in reality to force the remaining Jews out of the country. During the pogrom, Stormtroopers, Hitler Youth, and ordinary Germans murdered more than a hundred Jews (many more committed suicide) and ransacked and destroyed thousands of Jewish institutions, synagogues, shops, and homes. Thirty thousand Jews were arrested and sent to Nazi concentration camps. Volume 17 of the Casden Annual Review includes a series of articles presented at an international conference titled “New Perspectives on Kristallnacht: After 80 Years, the Nazi Pogrom in Global Comparison.” Assessing events 80 years after the violent anti-Jewish pogrom of 1938, contributors to this volume offer new cutting-edge scholarship on the event and its repercussions. Contributors include scholars from the United States, Germany, Israel, and the United Kingdom who represent a wide variety of disciplines, including history, political science, and Jewish and media studies. Their essays discuss reactions to the pogrom by victims and witnesses inside Nazi Germany as well as by foreign journalists, diplomats, Jewish organizations, and Jewish print media. Several contributors to the volume analyze postwar narratives of and global comparisons to Kristallnacht, with the aim of situating this anti-Jewish pogrom in its historical context, as well as its place in world history.https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/purduepress_previews/1042/thumbnail.jp

Minor and major flaws of a widely used data set: the ICPSR 'German Weimar Republik data 1919-1933' under scrutiny

Die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft und die Stiftung Volkswagenwerk finanzieren zwei getrennte, aber thematisch zusammenhängende Forschungsprojekte über Wahlen und das Wahlverhalten in der Weimarer Republik und Österreich. Beide Forschungsteams arbeiten unter der Leitung von J. Falter an der Hochschule der Bundeswehr in München. Der größte Teil ihrer Arbeit greift, neben anderen Quellen, auf die vielbenutzte Datensammlung 'German Weimar Republic Data 1919 - 1933' (ICPSR Nr. 0042) zurück, die in der BRD vom Kölner Zentralarchiv für europäische Sozialforschung betrieben wird. (KWübers.)'The Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and the Stiftung Volkswagenwerk are funding two separate but thematically connected research projects on elections and voting behaviour in Weimar Germany and Austria. The two research teams, headed by J. Falter, are based at the Hochschule der Bundeswehr in Munich (German Military University, Munich). Much of their work is, among other sources, drawing on the widely used ICPSR data set 'German Weimar Republic Data 1919 - 1933' (ICPSR No. 0042) which is distributed in West Germany by the Cologne Zentralarchiv für empirische Sozialforschung.' (author's abstract

Berlin, Vienna and Other Municipalities : A Comparative View on Local Anti-Jewish Policies in the Third Reich

After 1933a countless number of the over 400,000 mayors and municipal officials in Germany took part actively or passively, directly or indirectly in the persecution of the Jews. Both National Socialist and non-Party members introduced anti-Jewish measures which went beyond political guidelines and the new laws promulgated by the government. Because detailed political directives from above were lacking, the municipalities as Berlin, and later Vienna enjoyed enormous freedom of action at the local level, which their officials often used to the disadvantage of the Jewish inhabitants. In its promotion of anti-Jewish activities municipal policy frequently anticipated central policy and was, therefore, a driving force behind the persecutory measures which has been totally underestimated in research. At first such practices occurred at random, but soon the Gemeindetag, founded in 1933, began to coordinate such actions as the expulsion of Jews from public facilities throughout the Reich. Anti-Jewish segregation at the municipal level provided the impetus for new government measures of 1938. Introduced after the annexation of Austria, those central decrees synchronized local practises throughout the Reich. Nevertheless, Vienna and other municipalities pressed ahead with the process of segregation. After the November pogrom that year, the National Socialist leadership took the decision to systematically shield the pauperized Jewish population from German society. Within this framework of persecution, however, municipalities did take over the responsibility for the gettoization of the Jews. Hence, particularly in the years before 1938, but often even later, local governments played a decisive part in the shaping of anti-Jewish policy in the NS state