Reassessing Wheat Crises in Eighteenth-century Thessaloniki

Wheat crises and local riots in eighteenth-century Thessaloniki are not unknown to scholars. However, all the relative conclusions are based mostly on Svoronos' and Iliadou's indexes rather than on additional research of primary sources. Therefore, much space has been given to speculation and various issues have been left without proper examination. This paper seeks to explore, through the study of the French consular correspondence, if there was a common pattern in all wheat crises; why did not all crises develop into open revolts; and, who were the basic participants in the making and management of the crises. It asserts that the development of wheat shortages into popular riots was the outcome of local commercial interests and calculated petty politics, not of famine

Reassessing Wheat Crises in Eighteenth-century Thessaloniki

Wheat crises and local riots in eighteenth-century Thessaloniki are not unknown to scholars. However, all the relative conclusions are based mostly on Svoronos' and Iliadou's indexes rather than on additional research of primary sources. Therefore, much space has been given to speculation and various issues have been left without proper examination. This paper seeks to explore, through the study of the French consular correspondence, if there was a common pattern in all wheat crises; why did not all crises develop into open revolts; and, who were the basic participants in the making and management of the crises. It asserts that the development of wheat shortages into popular riots was the outcome of local commercial interests and calculated petty politics, not of famine

Reassessing the Greek National Schism of World War I: The Ideological Parameters

The National Schism that erupted in Greece during World War I has already been thoroughly analysed in the bibliography as a crisis of national unification, defined by geographical, political and socio economic criteria. The aim of this article is to move a step forward, to support that the National Schism might also be considered as an act in the broader and much older Greek ideological drama, that of the tantalising and incomplete “return” to the East via the European West. It is argued that the Schism, far from being a bipolar confrontation between supporters and opponents of Europe, did select from the East–West debate whatever arguments were necessary to invest military and political choices with a “deeper” meaning. Our approach focuses mostly on the rhetoric produced by the two opposing camps, the Venizelists and the anti-Venizelist block, from 1914 to 1922. It is, however, complemented by a retrospective presentation of the nineteenth-century debateover the Enlightenment and liberalism, on the one hand, and German idealism, on the other

Reassessing the Greek National Schism of World War I: The Ideological Parameters

The National Schism that erupted in Greece during World War I has already been thoroughly analysed in the bibliography as a crisis of national unification, defined by geographical, political and socio economic criteria. The aim of this article is to move a step forward, to support that the National Schism might also be considered as an act in the broader and much older Greek ideological drama, that of the tantalising and incomplete “return” to the East via the European West. It is argued that the Schism, far from being a bipolar confrontation between supporters and opponents of Europe, did select from the East–West debate whatever arguments were necessary to invest military and political choices with a “deeper” meaning. Our approach focuses mostly on the rhetoric produced by the two opposing camps, the Venizelists and the anti-Venizelist block, from 1914 to 1922. It is, however, complemented by a retrospective presentation of the nineteenth-century debateover the Enlightenment and liberalism, on the one hand, and German idealism, on the other

Preachers of God and martyrs of the Nation

This paper deals with the involvement of village priests in the Greek-Bulgarian struggle over Macedonia, in terms of community politics and irregular warfare. It argues that the high death toll that clergymen on both sides paid was due not only to the symbolic role of religion in a clash over national loyalties but also to their own involvement in the local politics of murder. Indeed neutrality was not an option for them. IMRO bands expected priests to join the Exarchate and thus enlarge their potential pulls of recruitment. Greece counted them as its outposts in Macedonian countryside, ready to die rather than become turncoats. It was only natural that many perished on both sides. But valuable and energetic priests who were prepared to risk their lives acquired special privileges as members of the new local national elite or committees.Cet article se penche sur l'implication des prêtres de village dans le conflit gréco-bulgare en Macédoine, en termes de politiques communautaires et de guerres irrégulières. Il est ici soutenu que le taux élevé de décès parmi les hommes de religion – des deux côtés – n'est pas uniquement dû au rôle de la religion dans cette lutte de loyautés nationales mais également à leur propre engagement dans les politiques locales de meurtre. En effet, ils ne pouvaient tout simplement pas être neutres. Les combattants de l'IMRO attendaient des prêtres qu'ils rejoignent l'Exarchat et élargissent ainsi leur potentiel de recrutement. La Grèce les considéraient comme des postes avancés en territoire macédonien, prêts à mourir plutôt que de trahir. Il est alors logique que beaucoup d'entre eux aient péris, des deux côtés. Les prêtres de valeurs et les plus énergiques (qui étaient prêts à risquer leur vie), ont cependant ensuite bénéficié de privilèges particuliers en tant que membres de la nouvelle élite nationale locale ou des comités

Preachers of God and martyrs of the Nation

This paper deals with the involvement of village priests in the Greek-Bulgarian struggle over Macedonia, in terms of community politics and irregular warfare. It argues that the high death toll that clergymen on both sides paid was due not only to the symbolic role of religion in a clash over national loyalties but also to their own involvement in the local politics of murder. Indeed neutrality was not an option for them. IMRO bands expected priests to join the Exarchate and thus enlarge their potential pulls of recruitment. Greece counted them as its outposts in Macedonian countryside, ready to die rather than become turncoats. It was only natural that many perished on both sides. But valuable and energetic priests who were prepared to risk their lives acquired special privileges as members of the new local national elite or committees.Cet article se penche sur l'implication des prêtres de village dans le conflit gréco-bulgare en Macédoine, en termes de politiques communautaires et de guerres irrégulières. Il est ici soutenu que le taux élevé de décès parmi les hommes de religion – des deux côtés – n'est pas uniquement dû au rôle de la religion dans cette lutte de loyautés nationales mais également à leur propre engagement dans les politiques locales de meurtre. En effet, ils ne pouvaient tout simplement pas être neutres. Les combattants de l'IMRO attendaient des prêtres qu'ils rejoignent l'Exarchat et élargissent ainsi leur potentiel de recrutement. La Grèce les considéraient comme des postes avancés en territoire macédonien, prêts à mourir plutôt que de trahir. Il est alors logique que beaucoup d'entre eux aient péris, des deux côtés. Les prêtres de valeurs et les plus énergiques (qui étaient prêts à risquer leur vie), ont cependant ensuite bénéficié de privilèges particuliers en tant que membres de la nouvelle élite nationale locale ou des comités

Blood Brothers in Despair: Greek Brigands, Albanian Rebels and the Greek-Ottoman Frontier, 1829‑1831

In the last stage of the disastrous war for Greek independence (1829‑31), the suggested northern frontier line changed three times. The uncertain future of the region, the pressure of the central government to create regular armed forces and to safeguard security along the new border land brought the local Greek and Albanian military élites, after ten years of heavy fighting, in an awkward position. Their options were restricted and their welfare as mercenaries was threatened. The crumbling Empire and the soon‑to‑be Greek nation-state, were unpredictable in their responses either as allies or as enemies. Their choices of reaction varied, yet their method was uniform: to bargain tough before compromising, even if the given choice involved mutiny and extensive civil strife. Their opponents, on the other side, Governor Ioannis Kapodistrias and Grand Vizier Mehmed Reşid had to show in the eyes of the Great Powers determination and improvisation, in order to gain the necessary prestige and win back the disputed territories. Eventually the making of the frontier forced both warlords and politicians to transform their tactics and reconsider their alliances

Railway construction and labour availability in Macedonia in the late nineteenth century.

Donated by Klaus KreiserReprinted from : Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, Volume 12, 1988 / BMGS V.13 (1989)