Wireless Power Transfer Roadway Integration

Electric vehicles represent a major accomplishment in the energy and transportation industry. Unfortunately, they are restricted to a small travel range because of limited battery life. Successful integration of wireless power transfer (WPT) systems into the infrastructure would remove the range restrictions of EVs. To successfully integrate this technology, several requirements must be met. First, the embedment process cannot interfere with the electrical performance of the inductive power transfer (IPT) system. Second, the presence of the IPT system in the pavement structure cannot negatively affect the roadway’s lifespan. Several systems were directly embedded in roadway materials. The electrical properties of the systems were monitored during the embedment process. Then modifications were made to the IPT systems to optimize the embedment process. These modifications were then applied to a full scale IPT system which is being used to dynamically charge EVs. To test the structural performance of the systems, tensile stresses were applied to the pads to simulate traffic loading conditions. These tensile stresses were applied under cyclic loading conditions to simulate fatigue conditions found in roadways. The number of cycles, and stress at failure was recorded an analyzed. The electrical properties of the IPT pads was also measured and analyzed during the fatigue loading conditions

Immigrant Sanctuary as the \u27Old Normal\u27: A Brief History of Police Federalism

Three successive presidential administrations have opposed immigrant sanctuary policy, at various intervals characterizing state and local government restrictions on police participation in federal immigration enforcement as reckless, aberrant, and unpatriotic. This Article finds these claims to be ahistorical in light of the long and singular history of a field this Article identifies as “police federalism.” For nearly all of U.S. history, Americans within and outside of the political and juridical fields flatly rejected federal policies that would make state and local police subordinate to the federal executive. Drawing from Bourdieusian social theory, this Article conceptualizes the sentiment driving this longstanding opposition as the orthodoxy of police autonomy. It explains how the orthodoxy guided the field of police federalism for more than two centuries, surviving the War on Alcohol, the War on Crime, and even the opening stages of the War on Terror. In constructing a cultural and legal history of police federalism, this Article provides analytical leverage by which to assess the merits of immigrant sanctuary policy as well as the growing body of prescriptive legal scholarship tending to normalize the federal government’s contemporary use of state and local police as federal proxies. More abstractly, police federalism serves as an original theoretical framework clarifying the structure of police governance within the federalist system

The Political Delinquent: Crime, Deviance, and Resistance in Black America

This Article is largely an argument that the pervasive sense of cultural resistance in the African American community must be considered by criminal theorists as, at least, a partial explanation of “criminality” within the African American community. Woven into the fabric of African American culture is a vital oppositional element. This element, spoken of in many circles as “oppositional culture” constitutes a bold and calculated rejection of destructive mainstream values that have perpetuated social inequalities and power imbalances. African American resistance culture is captured by novelist John Edgar Wideman in his account of his brother ’s criminal lifestyle and the ambivalent attitude of some urban blacks toward street crime: “We can’t help but feel some satisfaction seeing a brother, a black man, get over on these people, on their system without playing by their rules. No matter how much we have incorporated these rules as our own, we know that they were forced on us by people who did not have our best interest at heart. . . . We know they represent rebellion—what little is left in us.” If this sentiment is any way indicative of a broader cultural perspective, criminal theorists in law and social science should be more curious and critical about the meaning and consequences of the minority oppositional mindset

By Any Means: A Philosophical Frame for Rulemaking Reform in Criminal Law

Equitable crime policy and equity in the process of crime policymaking stand as the two goals most important to criminal-justice reform advocates. It would be a strategic mistake, however, to consider the two of equal importance. Crime-policy reform should be considered the first-order principle of the crime-policy reform movement. Fairness in the crime-policymaking process, while key to the pursuit of democratic ideals, is best understood as a secondary consideration. Put simply, the prioritization of fair process risks stifling the crime-policy reform movement by tethering the policy ends of the movement (namely, minimalism in criminal administration) to a pre-ordained means

The Promise Of Radical Crime Policy

To the surprise of no one, the Defund the Police campaign has been subject to attack on several fronts—by political conservatives, police unions, and any number of Democratic Party politicians. How did Defund proponents respond to this high leverage moment? As the national debate about police budgets reached its apex, the Defund campaign seemed to scatter in several policy directions while clinging to the Defund mantra. In To “Defund” the Police, Jessica Eaglin tracks these directions and draws a conceptual map of the various ongoing political projects designed to stem the flow of public money to police departments. To this end, Eaglin delivers a four-part typology of recent initiatives that plausibly fall under the Defund mantle: Police Abolition, Police Recalibration, Police Oversight, and Fiscal Constraints

What Would MLK Do?: A Civil Rights Model of “Good Citizenship” in Criminal Procedure

Good citizenship and eager participation in police investigations would seem to fit hand-in-glove. The good citizen helps to enforce the criminal law, particularly if the physical safety of the citizenry is thought to be at risk. But as Bennett Capers argues in his essay, Criminal Procedure and the Good Citizen, this version of the good citizen—crafted and propagated by our nation’s highest court—falls into direct tension with the activist principles animating the Civil Rights Movement. For instance, Martin Luther King, Jr., insisted that the citizen not suffer from a cultural condition Capers describes as “too much respect for majoritarian law.” (P. 704.) The Movement, led by persons we now consider some of the greatest citizens in our nation’s history, rejected the notion of reflexive deference to majoritarian law and its enforcement

Police Violence and the African-American Procedural Habitus

How should an African American respond to a race-based police stop? What approach, disposition, or tactic will minimize his risk within the context of the police stop of being subject to police violence? This Essay advances a conversation among criminal procedural theorists about citizen agency within the field of police-administered criminal procedure, highlighting “The Talk” that parents have with their African American children regarding how to respond to police seizure. It argues that the most prominent version of The Talk—the one in which parents call for absolute deference to police authority in the event of a police stop—may be as reasonable as it is ineffective. If African Americans, as a matter of course, respond to the race-based stop with unqualified submission to police authority, the race-based stop becomes a tidy and efficient exercise, the ease of which is likely to raise the rate at which African Americans are stopped and battered by police. Blanket conformity would seem to create a deleterious feedback loop for this targeted racial cohort. African Americans could instead opt for a discrete, transactional form of nonconformity in response to the race-based stop—one that accords with the principle of police accountability. Rather than reflexive submission, when subject to such stops African Americans could follow a nonconformist protocol that includes a request for the name and badge number of the seizing officer(s) followed by the filing of a formal complaint. I identify these and similar discretionary maneuvers taken during and after the race-based police stop as “administrative nonconformity.” Such practices require an alternative disposition toward the race-based stop—a reformulation of the African American procedural habitus