Citizenship Policies : Hollow Words (where we are going)

Most policies adopted by councils and local authorities only deal with respecting neighbours or public spaces and ignore the participative dimension of citizenship

¿Gestión pública, privada o por el tercer sector? Diferencias en los resultados en atención primaria de Cataluña

Comparar los resultados de los equipos de atención primaria en Cataluña en función de su modelo de gestión y evaluar el impacto de un modelo de gestión conocido como gestión por entidades de base asociativa (EBA). Llevamos a cabo un análisis comparado multidimensional siguiendo una lógica cuasi-experimental a partir de comparar los centros gestionados a través del modelo EBA con otros centros gestionados por el sector público a través del Instituto Catalán de la Salud (ICS) o por el tercer sector a través de consorcios hospitalarios. Barcelona, Cataluña, España. Tenemos en cuenta 368 observaciones (centros de atención primaria) y 18 parámetros medidos en 2015. Distintos métodos de gestión. Comparación de indicadores de actividad, efectividad en el proceso asistencial y eficiencia antes y después de controlar por el indicador socioeconómico del área básica de salud y las características de la región sanitaria. Test de diferencias significativas en las medias de los indicadores según modelo de gestión una vez realizado el emparejamiento conforme a variables clave mediante la técnica Propensity Score Matching. Diferencias significativas en el indicador de carga de trabajo por profesional médico de familia, en cinco indicadores de efectividad en el proceso asistencial y en el coste por usuario. La diversificación del modelo de gestión a través del modelo EBA muestra resultados que se pueden interpretar a favor del mantenimiento o de la ampliación de la aplicación de este modelo de gestión. Si bien los centros gestionados a través del modelo EBA se han implantado en áreas de nivel socioeconómico medio o alto, sus resultados continúan siendo significativamente positivos una vez se controla por el nivel socioeconómico de su área

Is there a gender gap in the sense of duty to vote?

The topic of gender differences in the propensity to vote has been a central theme in political behavior studies for more than seventy years. When trying to explain why the turnout gender gap has shrunk over the last few decades, some scholars have claimed that this might be due to the fact that women are more dutiful than men; however, no study to date has systematically addressed gender differences regarding the sense of civic duty to vote. The present research focused on such differences and empirically tested the role of political interest and moral predispositions on this gender gap. We explored duty levels in nine different Western countries and, most of the time, we found small but significant gender differences in favor of men. Our estimations suggest that this relationship can be explained mainly by the simple fact that women are less interested in politics than men

Answering without reading : IMC and Strong Satisficing in Online Surveys

Some respondents of online surveys click responses at random. Screeners or instructional manipulation checks (IMC) have become customary for identifying this strong form of satisficing. This research first analyzes the factors that condition IMC failures using an online panel survey carried out in Spain (2011-2015). Our data show that the probability of passing a screener depends mainly on the screener's difficulty, the individuals' intrinsic motivations for answering the survey, and past failures. We then address the substantive consequences of omitting those who fail to pass IMCs. We find that this strategy introduces an additional source of bias in descriptive analyses. The article ends with a discussion of the implications that these findings have for the use of IMCs

POLAT Project. Spanish Political Attitudes Panel Dataset. Data Management Plan (Waves 1-6)

This Data Management Plan that contains all the relevant information for FAIR data use of the POLAT-dataset-1-6-v1. The "POLAT-dataset-1-6-v1" contains waves 1 to 6 of the "POLAT Project. Spanish Political Attitudes", with information retrieved through online surveys carried out between 2010 and 2014. The dataset includes a total of 376 variables (not all of them are present in the six waves of the study). The main variables are grouped in nine categories: socio-demographic; crisis; economic and retrospective evaluations; news consumption and digital media use; attitudes on social issues; attitudes towards the political system and knowledge; ideology, partisan identification and vote; political participation; general attitudes.Este Plan de Gestión de Datos contiene toda la información relevante para el uso de datos FAIR de la base de datos POLAT-1-6-v1. La base de datos "POLAT-dataset-1-6-v1" contiene las oleadas 1 a 6 del "Proyecto POLAT. Actitudes políticas de los españoles", con información recuperada a través de encuestas de Internet realizadas entre 2010 y 2014. El conjunto de datos incluye un total de 376 variables (no todas están presentes en las seis olas del estudio). Las principales variables se agrupan en nueve categorías: sociodemográficas; crisis; evaluaciones económicas y retrospectivas; consumo de noticias y uso de medios digitales; actitudes sobre temas sociales; actitudes hacia el sistema político y conocimiento; ideología, identificación partidista y voto; participación política; actitudes generales.Aquest Pla de Gestió de Dades conté tota la informació rellevant per a l'ús de dades FAIR de la base de dades POLAT-1-6-v1. La base de dades "POLAT-dataset-1-6-v1" conté les onades 1 a 6 del "Projecte POLAT. Actituds polítiques dels espanyols", amb informació recuperada a través d'enquestes en línia realitzades entre 2010 i 2014. El conjunt de dades inclou un total de 376 variables (no totes són presents en les sis ones de l'estudi). Les principals variables s'agrupen en nou categories: sociodemogràfiques; crisi; avaluacions econòmiques i retrospectives; consum de notícies i ús de mitjans digitals; actituds sobre temes socials; actituds cap al sistema polític i coneixement; ideologia, identificació partidista i vot; participació política; actituds generals

Don't vote for them : the effects of the spanish indignant movement on attitudes about voting

This article investigates the recent so-called Spanish Revolution of 2011 with a view to understanding what it reveals about the current relationship between protest and electoral modes of participation. Theories of "disaffeccted radicalism" that grew up following the 1960s period of civil unrest strongly advocated the view that protest activity boosted electoral abstention. More recent work on protest, however, has pointed to its "normalization" and linkage to more conventional modes of participation. The Spanish case of 15M constitutes a useful new test of the two theories given that it mixed an explicit rejection of the choices voters faced with a criticism of political apathy. I examine the validity of each argument using a four-wave online panel survey and fixed-effects model to unravel how engagement in the 15M protest activity affected Spaniards' attitudes towards voting. The results provide fresh support for the normalization argument about a convergence of electoral and non-electoral types of activity. What is more, protest here seems to have a socialization effect that leads people to look at elections in a more positive manner

An unjustified bad reputation? The Dark Triad and support for populism

This research was supported by the project " Populist Attitudes in Spanish Public Opinion," funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitivity (CSO2014-52950-R).Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSICWhile research concludes that populist leaders stand out for their "dark" personalities, studies on the psychological underpinnings of citizens' populist attitudes are scant and inconclusive, with some agreement on the association between disagreeableness and populist attitudes. By bringing the Dark Triad personality traits of narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism into the picture, we aim to answer whether populist citizens -like populist leaders-score higher in this dark traits, and whether the addition of the Dark Triad helps to better understanding the populist personality. Using an online Spanish sample, our analyses find that using the Dark Triad does indeed add to our understanding of populist attitudes. In opposition to widespread intuitions about the character of populists, we find that psychopathy and Machiavellianism are negatively associated with support for populism, with only narcissism being positively related to the people-centric dimension of populist attitudes

Beyond rationalization : voting out of duty or expressing duty after voting?

Altres ajuts: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas Universitat Autónoma de BarcelonaIt is a standard practice to include a Duty term in explanatory models of turnout. Yet the relationship between duty and voting is not that clear. Does duty really trigger voting or is it the reverse? To address this question, we present cross-lagged panel estimations of the impact of duty on turnout and of turnout on duty with two different datasets: a two-wave panel Canadian survey conducted in 2008 and 2009 and a four-wave Spanish panel conducted between 2010 and 2012. We find evidence that sense of civic duty is a true motivation that affects people's propensity to vote, even though duty may be reinforced by the act of voting