Tjibaou's Kanak: Ethnic Identity as New Caledonia Prepares its Future

On 11 May 2014, New Caledonia elected its fourth, and final, local Congress under the historic 1998 Noumea Accord. There was no Australian media coverage of that election, nor of a violent protest at the end of May just out of Noumea, when Kanak protesters shot and injured two French gendarmes. Indeed, few Australians are aware that our closest neighbour just two hours flying time off the east coast of Queensland is France, in its Pacific possession, New Caledonia. One reason for this is that the French, along with the local pro-France and pro-independence groups who were engaged in a bloody civil war only 25 years ago, successfully negotiated a series of agreements ending the violence of the 1980s and postponing a sensitive self-determination vote in return for a promised schedule of handovers of responsibilities by 2014. These agreements, the 1988 Matignon/Oudinot Accords and the 1998 Noumea Accord, have so far presided over a long period of peace and prosperity, keeping the French collectivity out of the regional and Australian newspapers.AusAI

Tjibaou’s Kanak: ethnic identity as New Caledonia prepares its future

On 11 May 2014, New Caledonia elected its fourth, and final, local Congress under the historic 1998 Noumea Accord. There was no Australian media coverage of that election, nor of a violent protest at the end of May just out of Noumea, when Kanak protesters shot and injured two French gendarmes. Indeed, few Australians are aware that our closest neighbour just two hours flying time off the east coast of Queensland is France, in its Pacific possession, New Caledonia. One reason for this is that the French, along with the local pro-France and pro-independence groups who were engaged in a bloody civil war only 25 years ago, successfully negotiated a series of agreements ending the violence of the 1980s and postponing a sensitive self-determination vote in return for a promised schedule of handovers of responsibilities by 2014. These agreements, the 1988 Matignon/Oudinot Accords and the 1998 Noumea Accord, have so far presided over a long period of peace and prosperity, keeping the French collectivity out of the regional and Australian newspapers.AusAI

France in the South Pacific : power and politics

France through its three Pacific entities is a resident sovereign neighbour in Australia's region. It has been a benign influence in recent years, with strategic benefits for Australia and the region. But this has not always been the case, and its accepted future presence may not be assumed. This thesis analyses France's history in the region to derive indicators for its future policies and regional security, at a time of global change. France has earned a Pacific presence over more than four hundred years. Part I reviews its early history and motivations, which included a spirit of inquiry, internecine rivalry, national prestige and assertion of power, broadening to protection of its civil, missionary and convict populations. Economic considerations were secondary. New Caledonia's role in the American-led Pacific victory in World War II and the establislnnent of nuclear testing in French Polynesia enhanced the significance of the Pacific territories for France's national identity and strategic interests. These factors also catalysed the territories' demands for independence. Generous French financial and political inputs were accompanied by fitful and ambiguous responses. By the 1980s, France had left a poor legacy over Vanuatu's independence, unmet Kanak decolonization demands in New Caledonia had degenerated into civil war, and nuclear testing was increasingly opposed by new Pacific island states. Cosmetic efforts to counter regional opposition failed, undermined by France's bombing of an anti-nuclear vessel in New Zealand. By the end of the 1990s France was obliged to cease its nuclear testing and negotiate the Matignon/Noumea Accords deferring decisions about New Caledonia's status. Part II addresses France's recent management of its entities' demands for more autonomy and independence, and its efforts to engage in the wider region, albeit as an outside power. Its record is mixed, and unfinished, as New Caledonia will vote on its future status after 2014. France has made impressive economic and political investments in its territories and the region. But it has resisted on matters fundamental to pro-independence forces. In New Caledonia, France has been slow to resolve differences over defining electorates, has encouraged French immigration to dilute indigenous numbers, has obfuscated ethnic censuses, has sought to pre-empt agreements on deferred defence and currency questions, and has been unclear about future immigration and mining responsibilities, while scheduled handovers and economic rebalancing have slipped. In French Polynesia, France has shown a lack of tolerance for a pro-independence elected majority. Part III argues that France wants to retain sovereignty over its Pacific collectivities to enhance its international weight and for new economic reasons, as the world's second largest maritime nation through its Pacific coastlines, and given New Caledonia's nickel and hydrocarbon potential. Its ability to achieve this with regional acceptance will depend largely on peaceful democratic outcomes in its territories, particularly New Caledonia. Such outcomes are not assured. Some options for the future are identified

France in the South Pacific: Power and Politics

France is a Pacific power, with three territories, a military presence, and extensive investments. Once seen by many as a colonial interloper in the South Pacific, by the early 2000s, after it ended nuclear testing in French Polynesia and negotiated transitional Accords responding to independence demands in New Caledonia, France seems to have become generally accepted as a regional partner, even if its efforts concentrate on its own territories rather than the independent island states. But France’s future in the region has yet to be secured. By 2014 it is to have handed over a set of agreed autonomies to the New Caledonian government, before an independence referendum process begins. Past experience suggests that a final resolution of the status of New Caledonia will be divisive and could lead once again to violent confrontations. In French Polynesia, calls continue for independence and for treatment under UN decolonisation procedures, which France opposes. Other island leaders are watching, so far putting faith in the Noumea Accord, but wary of the final stages. The issues and possible solutions are more complex than the French Pacific island population of 515,000 would suggest. Combining historical background with political and economic analysis, this comprehensive study offers vital insight into the intricate history – and problematic future – of several of Australia’s key neighbours in the Pacific and to the priorities and options of the European country that still rules them. It is aimed at policy-makers, scholars, journalists, businesspeople, and others who want to familiarise themselves with the issues as France’s role in the region is redefined in the years to come

The Crowded and Complex Pacific: Lessons from France's Pacific Experience

The recent experience of France in the Pacific Islands provides some cautionary indicators for Australia about the potential effect of new players seeking engagement in the region, and the likely approaches of island leaders to them. France is effectively the only remaining European power resident in the Pacific islands through its sovereign territories, New Caledonia, French Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna and Clipperton Island. It sees itself both as a leading European power in the Pacific, and as an internal Pacific Islands regional power, based on its sovereignty there. The French territories occupy strategic positions relative to the Pacific Island states: New Caledonia and French Polynesia flank the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) region at the western and eastern ends respectively, with Wallis and Futuna at the centre. France's uninhabited Clipperton Island lies north of the Equator just off the Mexican coast. Of the four, New Caledonia is undoubtedly France's pre-eminent possession, site of its regional military headquarters and with strategic minerals (nickel, lithium, cobalt) and signs of petroleum and gas offshore. France has recognised in a series of recent assessments that its Pacific possessions represent strategic assets, making it the world's number two maritime power (in terms of maritime territory at least) by virtue of their vast exclusive economic zones, and underpinning France's claims to global leadership, and its scientific and technical, space and military roles

France: “in”, “of” or “from” the South Pacific region?

In the 1980s, amid regional controversy over France’s policies in South Pacific, a debate emerged around the idea of whether France was simply a sovereign presence “in” the region, or could also be seen as being “of” or “from” the region. It is an important question, as it goes to the heart of how France wants to be seen in the South Pacific region, and in the world. If France wants to remain “in” the Pacific, as is evident from recent official policy and statements, then the nature of its future effective presence will be shaped not only by its own perceptions, but by those of regional countries, about its status as part “of” the region. Whereas French policies in the South Pacific led to regional instabilities and even threatened regional security in the second half of the last century, in recent years France has been a useful western ally in the South Pacific. With new regional uncertainties, including new interest from China, by seeing itself as a country “of” the region, France may better be able to maintain an effective sovereign presence “in” the Pacific, at a time when it is addressing the future of its principal Pacific entities.Dans les années 1980, alors que sa politique dans le Pacifique Sud est controversée, un débat s’engage sur la possibilité de percevoir la France non seulement comme une présence souveraine « dans » mais aussi « de » la région. Cette question importante révèle comment la France souhaite être perçue par le Pacifique Sud et, au-delà, par le reste du monde. Si la France veut rester « dans » le Pacifique, la nature et l’efficacité de sa présence comme partie prenante « de » la région dépendent autant de sa volonté que de celle des pays du Pacifique Sud. Si dans la seconde moitié du xxe siècle, la politique de la France a été une cause d’instabilité et a même pu menacer la sécurité de la région, la France est récemment devenue un allié occidental utile pour la zone. Alors que de nouvelles incertitudes apparaissent, liées notamment au rôle de la Chine, la France, en se considérant elle-même comme étant « de » la région, serait plus à même de conserver une présence souveraine efficace « dans » le Pacifique au moment où se pose la question de l’avenir de ses principales collectivités du Pacifique

Changing ourselves: narrative experiences of women taking the lead in family and consumer sciences

The purpose of this feminist narrative study was to articulate the meaning and understandings emerging female leaders bring to their experience of assuming responsibility for leading in family and consumer sciences education. Narrative inquiry was used to investigate women\u27s experiences as a theoretical resource for understanding present conditions and exploring the meaning women make of experiences of socialization and leadership in family and consumer sciences. Interviews conducted with three women identified to be emerging leaders were used as the primary source of data. Through the use of inductive analysis, themes emerged from the stories the women shared of the development of their leadership and socialization into the profession. Themes included: key influences and experiences, values and motivation, developing a philosophy of leadership, challenges and sacrifices, and aspirations. Characterizing these three women\u27s socialization was internalized attitudes and beliefs that placed commitment and passion at the forefront of their professional development. They expressed the critical role of mentoring relationships in fostering the commitment and passion that led to leadership actualization in their professional lives. Through their experiences they developed a feminist conceptualization of leadership based in a philosophy of leadership as nonhierarchical and representing the leader as someone who collaborates or facilitates collective action toward the empowerment of others or the accomplishment of a common goal. This study reveals the significance of providing and encouraging relationships and experiences that promote a professional culture that cultivates commitment and passion in order to build and sustain leaders

Thermal rearrangement of 4-aryl-4-hydroxy-2-cyclobuten-1-ones and application of the methodology in the formation of benzofuronaphthoquinones and benzocarbazolequinones

Cyclobutenediones have proven useful as starting materials for synthesis of highly functionalized biologically relevant molecules. The rearrangement of cyclobutendiones has a wide synthetic scope and can be utilized as a key step in the construction of quinones, benzo[o]isoxazoles, and 3-methylenoxoindoles having a variety of substitution patterns. Construction of these molecules involves thermolysis of 4-hydroxy-2,4-di-aryl-2-cyclobutenones derived from squaric acid ester. In each of the cases the mechanism proceeds through an initial ring opening of the cyclobutene to afford a ketene intermediate that subsequently undergoes a ring closure with various intermolecular nucleophiles. This methodology has been utilized in the construction of an ellipticine model system

France in the South Pacific: Power and Politics

France is a Pacific power, with three territories, a military presence, and extensive investments. Once seen by many as a colonial interloper in the South Pacific, by the early 2000s, after it ended nuclear testing in French Polynesia and negotiated transitional Accords responding to independence demands in New Caledonia, France seems to have become generally accepted as a regional partner, even if its efforts concentrate on its own territories rather than the independent island states. But France’s future in the region has yet to be secured. By 2014 it is to have handed over a set of agreed autonomies to the New Caledonian government, before an independence referendum process begins. Past experience suggests that a final resolution of the status of New Caledonia will be divisive and could lead once again to violent confrontations. In French Polynesia, calls continue for independence and for treatment under UN decolonisation procedures, which France opposes. Other island leaders are watching, so far putting faith in the Noumea Accord, but wary of the final stages. The issues and possible solutions are more complex than the French Pacific island population of 515,000 would suggest. Combining historical background with political and economic analysis, this comprehensive study offers vital insight into the intricate history – and problematic future – of several of Australia’s key neighbours in the Pacific and to the priorities and options of the European country that still rules them. It is aimed at policy-makers, scholars, journalists, businesspeople, and others who want to familiarise themselves with the issues as France’s role in the region is redefined in the years to come

Plaything

A collaborative exhibition that explores the visual outcome of two artists sharing and exchanging imagery and visual motifs in order to develop new work, as a kind of conscious 'theft' that counters notions of plagerism , and that deliberately courts 'sameness'. The intention is to relinquish control of who owns the conceptual right to use images or ideas; that these are participatory tropes that are up for grabs.This agreement to a loss of control or authorship was further amplified by a curator selecting work from the studios in order to stage her own version of how she wanted to mix up and present work to create narratives and connections that she wanted to highlight.The issue at stake was whether there might be tipping points, or a share or intervention too far: an artist might suddenly claim ownership of an image at the expense of the other, or distrust an approach to curation that meddles or reframe the artists intentions completely. Conversely, the anticipation might be one of liberation and playfulness