74 research outputs found

    A Gender-Equal Utopia?:Press Coverage of Women Politicians In The Danish Media

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    A Powerful Public Sphere?:Paper for Årsmøde i Netværket for Politisk Teori, Radisson SAS H.C. Andersen Hotel, Odense, Denmark, November 16th-17th 2006

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    Media Representation of Women Politicians from a Gender to an Intersectionality Perspective

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    Media Representations of Women Politi- cians from a Gender to an Intersectionality Perspective. This article investigates media representation from a perspective of intersectionality defined as one that deconstructs the category ‘woman’ by looking at different social divisions such as class, ethnicity, gender, race and sexuality. An intersectionality perspective is constructive in broadening the debate on the media as a powerful political site for different groups of men and women politicians. The analytical point of the article is that a perspective of intersectionality deepens the understanding of the ways that the media organize power through stereotypical representation and homogenization of social categories

    En feministisk offentlighed.:Ph.D.-forelæsning, Aalborg Universitet den 23. september 2004

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    Gendered Segregation in Danish Standing Parliamentary Committees 1990-2015

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    Denmark was among the first countries to achieve female enfranchisement to the national parliament (1915) and it is a society with a long tradition for gender equality policies and women’s rights. 100 years later, the Danish case gives grounds for reflections on gender balance, on segregation and positions occupied by women in national parliaments. Drawing on insights from literature on gender and politics and on parliamentary committees, the article asks what the gendered distribution of seats and chairs is in the Danish parliament, the Folketing, and what can explain these gendered patterns. To answer these questions, this article investigates the horizontal and vertical gendered segregation of standing parliamentary committees of the Danish parliament 1990-2015 based on an explorative, longitudinal study. The results show that the Danish parliament is characterized by both vertical and horizontal segregation in relation to parliamentary committees. Both categories of segregation are declining over time, but the analysis reveals interesting patterns of change and stability especially for the horizontal segregation. Several committees have an over-representation (social, education and research and health) and under-representation of women (defence, finance and transport). A number of committees are characterized by a share of 30-40% women. This category is especially interesting as it points towards a decline in horizontal representation.Dänemark gehörte zu den ersten Ländern, in denen das Frauenwahlrecht für das nationale Parlament (1915) eingeführt wurde. Zudem steht die dänische Gesellschaft für eine lange Tradition von Gleichstellungspolitik und Frauenrechten. 100 Jahre später gibt der dänische Fall in diesem Artikel Anlass zu Überlegungen zu bestehenden Geschlechterungleichgewichten, insbesondere hinsichtlich horizontaler und vertikaler geschlechtsspezifischen Segregation in parlamentarischen Leitungspositionen und Ausschüssen. Der Artikel greift auf politikwissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse und Gender-Forschung zurück, um danach zu fragen wie die geschlechtsspezifische Verteilung im dänischen Parlament, dem Folketing, aussieht, und was die geschlechtsspezifischen Muster erklären kann. Um diese Fragen zu beantworten, wird eine explorative Langzeitstudie der horizontalen und vertikalen geschlechtsspezifischen Segregation der Ständigen Parlamentarischen Ausschüsse des dänischen Parlaments für die Zeit 1990-2015 vorgenommen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das dänische Parlament in Bezug auf parlamentarische Ausschüsse sowohl eine vertikale als auch eine horizontale Trennung aufweist. Beide Segregationskategorien nehmen im Laufe der Zeit ab, aber die Analyse zeigt interessante Muster des Wandels und der Stabilität, insbesondere für die horizontale Segregation. Mehrere Ausschüsse haben eine beständige Überrepräsentanz (Soziales, Bildung und Forschung sowie Gesundheit), andere eine beständige Unterrepräsentation von Frauen (Verteidigung, Finanzen und Verkehr). Eine Reihe von Ausschüssen zeichnet sich durch einen Frauenanteil von 30-40% aus, wobei diese Kategorie besonders interessant ist, da sie auf eine Abnahme der horizontalen Darstellung hindeutet

    Democratisation of Denmark - the Inclusion of Women in Political Citizenship

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    Valgretsdebattens vitale stemmer - Et offentlighedsperspektiv

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    This article approaches the struggles for enfranchisement within a perspective of a public sphere as conceptualized by Jürgen Habermas and Nancy Fraser. It focuses on one Danish suffragette organisation and its membership magazine, Kvindevalgret (1908-1915), as an exemplification of a type of opinion-forming public. In so doing the article is informed by the assumption that this type of public is a central democratic arena in which the process of deliberation has intrinsic value. The case demonstrates how participants in such a public can use a public arena as a means of politicising their situation, of democratic learning and of constructing political identities – in this case as mature, capable female voters. This was a controversial identity formation in the historical period of strong Conservative forces. The suffragettes’ in the debate were inspired by the contemporary philosophy of John Stuart Mill, in particular his liberal and utilitarian thinking on women as mature adults and as contributors to society’s well being

    A man's world?

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    Skarpere med end uden? Kønsforskning og politologi

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    I disse år er køn på den globale dagsorden på mange og komplekse måder. Overalt i verden mobiliserer kvinder sig omkring #metoo-bevægelsen mod seksuel diskrimination og vold, mens højrepopulistiske bevægelser i høj grad er præget af traditionelle maskuline værdier.1 Der rejses krav om rettigheder til seksuelle minoriteter, og der er stort fokus på nydanske minoritetskvinders og -mænds medborgerskab, arbejde og uddannelse. Samtidig er der global politisk modstand mod reproduktiv sundhed, herunder abort og prævention, samt muslimske kvinders tørklæder. Desuden ses homofobiske og transfobiske strømninger i mange samfund, ligesom der er negativ politisk opmærksomhed på kønsforskning. I efteråret 2018 lukkede den ungarske regering to universitetsprogrammer i kønsstudier uden nærmere begrundelse. Kort sagt: Køn og andre forskelssættende kategorier er i spil, når vi skal analysere moderne politiske fænomener og samfund. Grundlæggende forhold i menneskers liv – deres sikkerhed, sundhed, uddannelse, arbejdsliv, adgang til markedet, til offentligheden og til ytringsfrihed – formes af deres identifikation som tilhørende et bestemt køn eller kønskategori. Dog står køn aldrig alene men får forskellige betydninger afhængig af alder, etnicitet, race, nation, klasse, seksuel orientering og andre forhold på både individ- og samfundsniveau

    Lige for lige? Kønssegregering i Folketingsudvalg og i ledelsen af det private erhvervsliv

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    In this article, we describe and discuss the vertical and horizontal gender segregation in the elites of Danish Parliamentary politics and private business. Our new data on the gender distribution on corporate boards of publicly traded firms show how women are absent among board chairs and CEOs and illustrates the low representation of women among board members.  Among members of Parliamentary committees a more equal gender representation is found, however, there is a clear tendency toward a vertical and a horizontal segregation. Our findings show that women MPs are less represented in certain Parliamentary committees on foreign affairs, economy, finance, tax and transportation. This distribution mirrors other country studies on Parliamentary committees. We propose two hypotheses in order to explain our explorative study: a thesis on a gender bias of certain policy areas and a hypothesis on the significance of the ‘public eye’. Concerning the latter, our results illustrate how institutions subject to ‘the public eye’ have more balanced gender compositions than institutions with less public attention, like corporate boards
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