Potential East-West Migration

Examines the migration potential in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, & Slovakia, using 1996 survey data from 4,392 persons. Results indicate that all scenarios that predict an imminent exodus of people from East & Central Europe are exaggerating the real dimension of East-West migration. The migration potential in the four countries investigated here is between 700,000 & (potentially) 4 million persons, higher than the numbers foreseen by the law for annual immigration to Austria & the Federal Republic of Germany & higher than the numbers thought politically acceptable. Principal information concealing the demographic & social structure of the people who are willing to leave their country & planning a stay in Western Europe is given

Zum Stand der Transformationsforschung in der Geographie

Der Stand der Transformationsforschung in der Geographie bildet den zentralen Inhalt dieses Beitrages. Anhand des Mitgliederverzeichnis des Verbandes der Geographen an Hochschulen Deutschlands, Österreichs und der Schweiz wird analysiert, wer, wo und mit welchen Themen im östlichen Europa forscht. Dabei wird deutlich, dass geographische Forschung im östlichen Europa nur an einzelnen Universitätsstandorten intensiv betrieben wird. Forschungsschwerpunkte sind selten, die Zersplitterung der Forschungsszene vorherrschend. Über die Analyse des Mitgliederverzeichnisses des Verbandes der Geographen an deutschen (sowie österreichischen und schweizerischen) Hochschulen hinausgehend kann anhand von Literaturbeispielen gezeigt werden, dass sich die Forschungsansätze der geographischen Transformationsforschung deutlich verschoben haben: Dominierten Anfang der 90er Jahre noch generelle Forschungsansätze, die auf die grundsätzliche Analyse des Wandels von einer Plan- zu einer Marktwirtschaft abzielten (Global Approach), so lässt sich ab Mitte der 90er Jahre eine Hinwendung zu räumlich eingeschränkten und fachlich spezialisierten Analysen erkennen (Sector Approach). Der Beitrag schließt mit einer Diskussion über die Zukunftsfähigkeit der Transformationsforschung und erläutert die These, wonach eine erfolgreiche Transformation den eigentlichen Forschungsgegenstand auflöst. Eine Gegenthese wird begründet, die besagt, dass trotz aller Konvergenz strukturelle Unterschiede bestehen bleiben, die Gegenstand einer, dann vielleicht umzubenennenden Transformationsforschung sein werden.The stand of transformation research in geography is the central topic of this article. An analysis is carried out using the members list of the Association of Geographers at Universities in Germany, Austria and Switzerland on who is carrying research where and on what topics related to Eastern Europe. This reveals that geographic research in Eastern Europe is only being carried out intensively in certain universities. There are but few focuses of research and the research scene appears predominantly scattered. In addition to analysing the members list of the Association of Geographers at Universities in Germany (as well as Austria and Switzerland), it is possible to show using relevant literature examples that the research approaches in geographic transformation research have changed fundamentally and clearly: whereas general research approaches were predominant at the start of the nineties, which centred on the fundamental analys is of transformation from planned to market economy (global approach), we can see an increased focus since the middle of the nineties towards regionally restricted and topic-specialised analysis (sector approach). The conclusion of this article is a discussion of the future perspectives of transformation research, elucidating the theory that successful transformation actually cancels the object of research. An antithesis is reasoned that specifies that structural differences remain despite convergence, which should be the subject of a new, eventually renamed transformation research

Die Arbeitsmarktposition ausländischer Arbeitskräfte in Deutschland (West) und Österreich (The labour market position of foreign workers in (western) Germany and Austria)

"The article compares the occupational position of labour migrants from Turkey and former Yugoslavia in Germany and Austria. In both states labour migrants from Turkey and former Yugoslavia constitute the majority of the foreign workers, and the two states are comparable with regard both to their social and economic structure and to their labour market structure. The differing degree of integration of foreign workers in the German and Austrian employment systems can therefore not be attributed to general factors, but requires explanations specific to the particular country. The analyses show that labour migrants in Austria are far more heavily concentrated in subordinate positions of the labour market hierarchy than is the case in Germany. This is true when taking into consideration the education and training as well as the length of stay in the particular country. In 1994, for example, 51% of the foreign nationals in Germany who came from former Yugoslavia were employed as unskilled or semi-skilled workers, whereas it was 75% in Austria. In comparison with (western) Germany, Austria's labour market structures show a higher degree of segregation and a lower permeability. The far lower occupational and spatial mobility in Austria is just as much an indicator for this as the large share taken up by the public sector (national administration, schools and institutions of higher education, almost all health services) as well as the nationalised or formerly nationalised industry and other sectors run entirely or partially by the state (railways, postal services, telecommunications, national airlines, local transport companies, electronic media, food production, banks and insurance companies, mineral oil production, the gas and electricity industry , the tobacco industry), which form a 'protected' segment of the labour market which is predominantly reserved for Austrian nationals. There is also the fact that foreigners in Austria are more rarely employed in large enterprises than is the case in Germany, and therefore career opportunities within a company remain closed to foreign workers to a far greater extent than in Germany. In contrast to this, the 'protected' segment of the labour market in Germany is less pronounced. Here both the public service is smaller in relation to the size of the population and the exposed part of industry and market-orientated services is larger." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))ausländische Arbeitnehmer, Türke, Arbeitsmarktchancen - internationaler Vergleich, Stellung im Beruf, ausländische Arbeitnehmer, Jugoslawe, Arbeitsmarktsegmentation, sektorale Verteilung, berufliche Mobilität, Aufenthaltsdauer, Bildungsabschluss, Westdeutschland, Österreich, Bundesrepublik Deutschland

Integracja a transnarodowa migracja wahadłowa (na przykładzie Polaków w Wiedniu)

"Imigracja z Polski do Wiednia ma względnie długą tradycję. Już w XIX w., należąca wówczas do monarchii austro-węgierskiej Galicja zaliczała się do najważniejszych obszarów odpływu migracyjnego. Wśród rzeszy emigrantów, kierujących się stąd głównie do Ameryki Północnej (przede wszystkim do Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki) oraz Ameryki Południowej (głównie do Brazylii), ważne miejsce zajmowali wychodźcy, których celem była stolica monarchii - Wiedeń. Tu powstało centrum polskiej emigracji w Austrii, bowiem już w połowie XIX w. uformował się tu ośrodek polonijny, liczący ok. 4 tys. członków. W 1873 zbiorowość Polaków w Wiedniu liczyła ok. 20 tys., a w 1900 osiągnęła już poziom 28 tys. osób. Według danych spisowych z 1910 populacja Polaków w Wiedniu liczyła 29,1 tys. osób, stanowiąc 1,3% ogólnej liczby mieszkańców miasta (2,2 min)."(...

East-West Migration in Europe 1918-92

Rad analizira raspoložive demografske podatke o međunarodnim migracijama unutar i u Europu u razdobljima 1918-39 i 1945-92. Težište je stavljeno na istočno-zapadnu dimenziju ovih migracija. U međuratnom razdoblju oko 9,2 milijuna ljudi je ili napustilo svoje zemlje kao radni migranti ili je bilo prognano posljedicom mirovnih pregovora i novih granica nacionalnih država koje su tada nastale. U poratnom razdoblju (1945-50) oko 15,4 milijuna ljudi je pobjeglo ili protjerano unutar Europe. Većina njih je krenula ili je bila prisiljena krenuti prema zapadu: na primjer etnički Nijemci iz Čehoslovačke, Šleske, Istočne i Zapadne Prusije u Istočnu i Zapadnu Njemačku, Karelci u Finsku, Poljaci iz Ukrajine i Bjelorusije u Poljsku, Ukrajinci iz Poljske u Ukrajinu, Talijani iz Istre i Dalmacije u Italiju, itd. Između 1950. i 1992. još 14 milijuna ljudi migriralo je iz neke zemlje u srednjo-istočnoj i istočnoj Europi na Zapad. Glavne zemlje slanja bile su bivša DDR (37% od cjelokupne migracije Istok-Zapad u tom razdoblju), bivša Jugoslavija (17% uključujući nedavno prognane osobe iz Bosne, Hrvatske i Srbije), Poljska (14%) i bivši Sovjetski Savez (12%). Više od dvije trećine svih evropskih migranata Istok-Zapad otišlo je u (Zapadnu) Njemačku (68%). Većina migranata Istok-Zapad pripadala je nekoj etničkoj ili vjerskoj manjini (na pr. etnički Nijemci, Židovi, etnički Turci, drugi Muslimani, etnički Grci, Armeni, pentekostalci) koja je imala nacionalnu državu na Zapadu ili barem jako uporište ili "lobby" u nekoj od zapadnih zemalja. U zadnje vrijeme ratovi u Hrvatskoj i Bosni kao i etničko čišćenje doveli su do najvećeg vala izbjeglica i prognanika nakon 1945. Prognano je više od 5 milijuna građana bivše Jugoslavije od kojih je samo 700.000 uspjelo ući u neku zapadnu zemlju. U članku se pokazuje da se potisni i privlačni faktori koji uzrokuju masovne migracije ne mogu staviti pod nadzor samo podizanjem novih zakonodavnih barijera i postrojavanjem više naoružanih čuvara granice protiv pridošlica.The paper analyses available demographic data on international migration within and to Europe during the periods 1918-39 and 1945-92. The main focus is on the East-West dimension of this migration. In the inter-war period some 9.2 million people either left their countries as labour migrants or were displaced as a result of the peace treaties and the new boundaries of the emerging nation states. In the post-war period (1945-50) some 15.4 million people fled or were displaced within Europe. Most of them moved or were forced to move westwards: e.g. ethnic Germans from Czechoslovakia, Silesia, East and West Prussia to East and West Germany, Karelians to Finland, Poles from the Ukraine and Belorussia to Poland, Ukrainians from Poland to the Ukraine, Italians from Istria and Dalmatia to Italy, etc. Between 1950 and 1992 another 14 million people migrated from a country in East-Central and Eastern Europe to the West. The main sending countries were the former GDR (37% of all East-West migrants of this period), former Yugoslavia (17% including recently displaced persons from Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia), Poland (14%) and the former Soviet Union (12%). More than two thirds of all European East-West migrants moved to (West) Germany (68%). Most East-West migrants belonged to an ethnic or religious minority (e.g. ethnic Germans, Jews, ethnic Turks, other Muslims, ethnic Greeks, Armenians, Pentecostals) with a nation state in the West or at least with a strong foothold or lobby in one of the western countries. In recent times the wars in Croatia and Bosnia as well as ethnic cleansing have led to the largest wave of refugees and displaced persons since 1945. More than 5 million citizens of former Yugoslavia are displaced. Of them only 700,000 managed to enter a western country. The paper argues that push and pull factors causing massive migration cannot only be contained by erecting new legislative barriers and deploying more armed guards against newcomers