The Antebellum Political Background of the Fourteenth Amendment

Epps presents information concerning the historical context of the Fourteenth Amendment. Among other implications, the Amendment should be viewed as an effort to defend the national government from control by transient majorities or undemocratic factions in the states

Writing with Your Family at the Kitchen Table: Balancing Home and Academic Communities

Prince Edward County, Virginia was home to my mother’s family. Her mother was born and raised there and my own mother spent the first five years of her life there, staying with her grandmother while her mother and father worked to set up a home in neighboring Richmond. Prince Edward was the site of family gatherings and the setting for most of the stories my grandmother shared with me. While it certainly represented a great deal of good, there was also pain and hurt behind many of the stories in this space. In 1959, Prince Edward County’s Board of Supervisors voted to close all public schools rather than face integration. The movement to impede Brown vs. Board of Education was part of a larger strategy throughout the South to resist the Brown ruling at all costs. Massive Resistance, the term coined to reflect this stance, was rampant across the South, but got its start in Virginia.1 Communities took various approaches to circumvent the Brown ruling, but none reacted quite as forcefully as Prince Edward. Public schools would remain closed for five years. While the white community created a private segregation academy to serve its children, the Black community struggled to craft intervention plans that were sustainable. I wrote my dissertation about the temporary one-year school system, the Prince Edward County Free Schools Association, that was established from efforts on the part of Prince Edward’s Black community, its allies, and President John F. Kennedy’s administration. The Free Schools were part of a litany of programs designed for and by the Black community. Using archival records and interviews with former Free School students, I argued for the Free Schools to be seen as an institutional response to the rhetorics of Massive Resistance.University Writing Cente

Circular 60

The University o f Alaska-Fairbanks reindeer program has existed under its current organizational framework since 1981. Program guidance across the three functions o f research, extension, and instruction continues to meet with support both internal and external to the university. The program ’s user group, the Alaska Reindeer Herders Association, is an ideal Land Grant/Sea Grant recipient for such guidance. Several major issues outlined by the Reindeer Herders Association’s first five-year plan have been addressed during the past few years. In most cases the university’s input has helped to resolve the association’s concerns. Currently a new five-year plan is being developed, and the university’s reindeer program is responding by redirecting its efforts toward emerging issues. This report identifies recent accomplishments in the reindeer program , continuing efforts, and projected areas of future effort

African Americans and the effects of economic stress

Includes bibliographical references

“You Have Been in Afghanistan”: A Discourse on the Van Alstyne Method

This essay pays tribute to William Van Alstyne, one of our foremost constitutional scholars, by applying the methods of textual interpretation he laid out in a classic essay, Interpreting This Constitution: On the Unhelpful Contribution of Special Theories of Judicial Review. I make use of the graphical methods Van Alstyne has applied to the general study of the First Amendment to examine the Supreme Court\u27s recent decisions in the context of the Free Exercise Clause, in particular the landmark case of Employment Division v. Smith . The application of Van Alstyne\u27s use of the burden of proof as an interpretive tool and the results of the application of the graphic analysis, I argue, suggest that Smith is a gravely flawed decision, inconsistent both with precedent and with sophisticated textual analysis of the sort that much of Van Alstyne\u27s own distinguished scholarship holds before us as a model of principled and neutral constitutional application

Overcoming Financial Barriers to Expanding High-Quality Early Care and Education in Southeastern Pennsylvania

High-quality early care and education (ECE) programs have been proven to create positive outcomes for children -- especially among those living in poverty. Yet many children from low-income families have a hard time accessing high-quality child care and miss the critical developmental growth and foundation needed for academic and life success. Nonprofit Finance Fund (NFF) released a new report that examines the financial challenges program providers face, and offers recommendations about actions to increase access to quality care. The report is based on NFF's work with more than 147 nonprofit child care centers in Southeastern Pennsylvania

Locking mechanism for orthopedic braces

A locking mechanism for orthopedic braces is described which automatically prevents or permits the relative pivotable movement between a lower brace member and an upper brace member. The upper and lower brace members are provided with drilled bores within which a slidable pin is disposed, and depending upon the inclination of the brace members with respect to a vertical plane, the slidable pin will be interposed between both brace members. The secondary or auxiliary latching device includes a spring biased, manually operable lever bar arrangement which is manually unlatched and automatically latched under the influence of the spring

Resolution Of Claims To Self-Determination: The Expansion And Creation Of Dispute Settlement Mechanisms

My task is three fold. I shall first give a very brief introduction to the topic of self-determination within the general jurisprudence of the proliferation of international dispute settlement mechanisms

Addicted to Punishment: The Disproportionality of Drug Laws in Latin America

In Latin America, trafficking cocaine so it can be sold to someone who wants to use it is more serious than raping a woman or deliberately killingyour neighbor. While it may seem incredible, that is the conclusion of arigorous study of the evolution of criminal legislation in the region, which shows that countries' judicial systems mete out harsher penalties for traffickingeven modest amounts of drugs than for acts as heinous as sexua lassault or murder.How have we reached such an unjust and irrational point? In recent decades, especially the 1980s, Latin American countries, influenced by aninternational prohibitionist model, fell -- ironically -- into what we mightmetaphorically call an addiction to punishment.Addiction creates the need to consume more and more drugs, whichhave less and less effect; ultimately, the problematic user simply consumesdrugs to avoid withdrawal. Drug legislation in Latin America seems to have followed a similar path. Countries have an ever-growing need to add crimes and increase the penalties for drug trafficking, supposedly to control an expanding illegal market, while this increasingly punitive approach has less and less effect on decreasing the supply and use of illegal drugs.This report explores whether the recent evolution of criminal legislation in Latin American countries with regard to drug-related conducts respects these minimal guarantees to which criminal law should be subject, and especially whether that criminal legislation can be considered proportionate to the harm caused by prohibited conducts. Ultimately, the question is whether the crimes and punishments outlined in national legislation are proportionate. If the answer is no, the conclusion should be that they may even be unconstitutional within the framework of a constitutional state.To address this question, the report explores the recent development of criminal laws on drug-related crime in seven Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, Peru and Mexico. These countries were chosen based on two basic criteria. First, they are of academic importance, because they have different drug-related problems, different geographic locations, diverse contexts and different political systems. According to traditional categorization, Colombia, Peru and Bolivia are considered producer countries; Mexico and even Brazil are considered trans-shipment countries. They also represent the different regions of Latin America,from the Southern Cone to the furthest Spanish-speaking country in North America.This report has three main parts. The first provides a conceptual and methodological overview of the elements that form the basis of the analysis.The second describes the principal recent trends in criminal drug legislation in Latin America. The third analyzes the proportionality of drug-related crimes and punishment in the countries, comparing them with penalties for other serious crimes, followed by some conclusions