Tourist attraction? Or reverence – The Royal New Zealand Air Force Museum. A case study of the tensions between intent and presentation

The military museum has in the last quarter of the 20th Century undergone a transformation in Western societies. The military museum has become less concerned with remembrance and more concerned with education and analysis. In New Zealand the armed services operate three museums; the Army, Air Force and Navy Museums. The following article is a case study based upon an interview undertaken with the Director of the Royal New Zealand Air Force Museum. This case study highlights the tensions a military museum Director may encounter in undertaking their duties, and satisfying their diverse stakeholders. For the Director of the RNZAF museum, a conflict has arisen between the needs to offer critical analysis of historical actions (in an educative context); to provide a tourist destination (as a primary means of funding) and to ensure a site of remembrance for those affected by the events portrayed

Will Due Process Be Returned to Academic Suspension?: An Analysis of Academia\u27s Rejection of the Title IX Final Rule

In 2011, the Department of Education ( DOE ) under the Obama administration issued its Dear College Letter ( DCL ) ordering publicly funded educational institutions to undertake aggressive actions to deter what was deemed an epidemic of sexual violence on college campuses. DOE subsequently aggressively enforced the directives of the DCL with scores of costly investigations of college disciplinary systems and threatened withdrawal of federal funding for institutions that failed to respond to sexual harassment claims aggressively. Hundreds of lawsuits followed in the wake of the DCL\u27s issuance. Specifically, the flood of litigation was initiated by males contending they were briskly expelled, suspended, or otherwise disciplined upon collegiate tribunals\u27 findings of guilt on claims of sexual harassment. The lawsuits portrayed collegiate systems that readily found accused males responsible on claims of sexual harassment through denial of fundamental due process rights and predetermined conclusions that equated the claim of sexual harassment with guilt on the charge. The majority of these lawsuits resulted in recognizing the deprivation of rights for the accused males in the universities\u27 rush to judgment on sexual harassment claims. In May 2020, the DOE, under the Trump administration, released its Title IX Final Rule comprehensively addressing all aspects of publicly funded educational institutions\u27 obligations in responding to claims of sexual harassment. The Final Rule\u27s eighty-two sections created a procedural framework for adjudicating Title IX sexual harassment claims based solely on the determination of the factual validity of the complainant\u27s allegations. Academia has unceasingly opposed the Final Rule from its original November 2017 publication for public comment. Repeatedly, the charge is made that the Final Rule will inevitably unleash a pandemic of sexual violence against collegiate women. Joseph Biden campaigned for the presidency with a commitment that the Final Rule would be swiftly and surely rescinded. Accordingly, President Biden issued an executive order in March 2021 as the administration\u27s first step in eradicating the Final Rule. However, the Final Rule has proved to be a law immune to swift elimination. A series of lawsuits seeking to overturn the Final Rule failed. Moreover, the Biden administration\u27s actions have acknowledged that the Final Rule can only be rescinded and replaced through compliance with the Administrative Procedures Act and its public comment requirement. DOE has indicated a proposed replacement or drastic revision of the Final Rule will be published for public comment in April 2022. Thus, the Final Rule will likely remain an enforceable law throughout 2022. The public comment period will inevitably be contention as the Final Rule is one of the many issues on which America is deeply divided. This article undertakes a history from the 1972 enactment of Title IX through the present setting forth the administrative, legislative, and judicial events that have led to the nation\u27s deep division over the role of government in pronouncing and enforcing permissive sexual practices on college campuses. It concludes with considering the motivations underlying academia\u27s consistent hostility to the Final Rule

THE MARKET FOR CITRUS HARVESTING LABOR

Labor and Human Capital,

Refactoring Tools: Fitness for Purpose

Refactoring tools can improve the speed and accuracy with which we create and maintain software -- but only if they are used. In practice, tools are not used as much as they could be: this seems to be because sometimes they do not align with the refactoring tactic preferred by the majority of programmers, a tactic we call floss refactoring. We propose five principles that characterize successful floss refactoring tools -- principles that can help programmers to choose the most appropriate refactoring tools and also help toolsmiths to design tools that fit the programmer\u27s purpose

Restorative Justice and Recidivism: Investigating the impact of victim-preference for level of engagement.

The aim of this study was to assess the impact ofoffering victims choice in their level of engagement with restorative justice interventions. Consequently, this study compared the expected risk for reconviction, calculated using the Offender Group Reconviction Scale and actual reconviction rates for completers and non-completers of three different restorative justice (RJ) initiatives: conference, letter of apology and victim-empathy work. Where reconvictions were evident the comparative level of harm between the initial and subsequent offences was examined. This was a risk-band analysis of 253 offenders who had received an RJ sentence between September 2007 and September 2011. Data analysis began after September 2012, to allow at least a one-year follow-up. The analyses revealed statistically significant differences between expected and actual reconviction rates for all three interventions. The choice offered to victims regarding their degree of involvement in the RJ sentence appears to do no harm; indeed it is still associated with lower rates of reconviction and a relatively high likelihood of a reduction in harm where reoffending occurs

International disputes must still be solved by political means

This article considers the (in)ability of international law to ensure compliance from United Nations (UN) Member States, absent political influence. It examines whether concepts such as sovereign equality, normativity and concreteness give legal authority to international law, and further whether this ‘authority’ is respected by Member States and strictly enforced by UN governing bodies and international courts. The article explains that where sovereign rights or national interests collide the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is often unable to give a ruling or advisory opinion based solely on legal grounds and demonstrates that the contemporary international regime is incapable of removing politics from international legal proceedings. Furthermore, the article analyses the United Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) failure to enforce ICJ rulings against the US and the inability to prevent the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. With respect to the Iraq invasion, it highlights how this invasion occurred in the face of existing international norms and rules which purported to curb unauthorized use-of-force by UN Member States. The paper deduces that existing international rules and structures which seek to ignore state politics cannot settle contemporary international disputes.