Returning to the root : radical feminist thought and feminist theories of International Relations

Feminist International Relations (IR) theory is haunted by a radical feminist ghost. From Enloe's suggestion that the personal is both political and international, often seen as the foundation of feminist IR, feminist IR scholarship has been built on the intellectual contributions of a body of theory it has long left for dead. Though Enloe's sentiment directly references the Hanisch's radical feminist rallying call, there is little direct engagement with the radical feminist thinkers who popularised the sentiment in IR. Rather, since its inception, the field has been built on radical feminist thought it has left for dead. This has left feminist IR troubled by its radical feminist roots and the conceptual baggage that feminist IR has unreflectively carried from second-wave feminism into its contemporary scholarship. By returning to the roots of radical feminism we believe IR can gain valuable insights regarding the system of sex-class oppression, the central role of heterosexuality in maintaining this system, and the feminist case for revolutionary political action in order to dismantle it

Engaging or changing men? Understandings of masculinity and change in the new ‘men, peace and security’ agenda

The harmful and inequitable implications of men’s actions have always been a central focus of the United Nation’s Women, Peace and Security agenda. Despite this, until recently, there have been few programmes in the agenda which attempt to directly work with men. The past five years have seen a rapid growth of programming that explicitly targets men and even calls for a ‘Men, Peace and Security’ agenda. This article analyses how these programmes understand their work. Drawing on expert interviews and documentary analysis it argues that current programming reflects two fundamentally different approaches, engaging or changing men. While these two perspectives are not mutually exclusive, they reflect different understandings of what and ‘Men, Peace and Security’ agenda should prioritise. In exploring the tension between these two approaches the article concludes that without greater coherence and clarity the MPS agenda risks being ineffective or even producing harmful outcomes

Transforming masculinities after scandal: the response to Australia’s war crimes in Afghanistan and the possibility of change in military masculinities

This article focuses on what role masculinities might be playing in Australian war crimes in Afghanistan, and whether it is possible to shift such masculinities after the revelation of scandals. It makes the argument that although masculinities have been central to these war crimes, attempting reform at the moment of scandal is unlikely to lead to necessary structural reform. Rather, this article argues that responses focused on masculinity at the moment of scandal are likely to constitute what Jamie Johnson (2016, 705) refers to as ‘line-drawing manoeuvres’, thereby singling out extreme acts of excessive violence to re-legitimise the institution which produced such violence. Therefore, the Brereton Report demonstrates the need for structural changes addressing the foundations of violent masculinities within the Australian Defence Force and not ad hoc efforts to remedy its most extreme excesses

The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force

Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded Demobilisation, Demilitarisation and Reintegration (DDR)/Security Sector Reform (SSR) program culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalised Rwanda Defence Force (RDF). Feminists argue that DDR-SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarised masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR-SSR program is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it is argued that Rwanda’s locally-owned DDR-SSR program places the military and militarisation at the centre of the nation-building program. Through various ‘boundary construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilise the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarised masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of RDF historical accounts, policy documents and training materials

From ‘It rarely happens’ to ‘It’s worse for men’ : dispelling misconceptions about sexual violence against men and boys in conflict and displacement

Sexual violence against men and boys in conflict and displacement has garnered increasing attention over the past decade and has been recognised in UN Security Resolution 2467. Despite increased evidence and understanding of the issue, myths and misconceptions nevertheless abound. The authors of this article – practitioners and academics with extensive experience in the field – aim to dispel ten of the most common misconceptions that we have encountered, and to highlight the current evidence base regarding sexual violence against men and boys in humanitarian settings. We argue that just as there is no universal experience of sexual violence for women and girls, there is no universal experience for men and boys, or for nonbinary people. In order to address the complexities of these experiences, a survivor-centred, intersectional approach is needed

Masculinities and disengagement from jihadi networks: the case of Indonesian militant islamists

Men who join militant Islamist networks often frame their participation in masculine terms, as protectors, warriors or brothers. While the role of masculinities in recruitment to jihadi groups has received increasing attention, their role in disengaging men from armed groups (and particularly men in the global south) have not. This paper explores the role of masculinities in shaping men’s paths out of jihadi networks. Based on life history research with Indonesian former militant Islamist we suggest that men’s pathways out of armed groups are defined by negotiating alternate masculinities, which reposition their gendered role in society from those associated with militancy

Gendered mundanities : gender bias in student evaluations of teaching in political science

Much research has been undertaken on gender bias in student evaluations of teaching (SETs) in universities, with inconsistent findings. We undertake a qualitative analysis of the comments in four years of SETs in a school of political science and international relations in a highly regarded Australian university. We ask, can the same evaluations produce different results when analysed qualitatively rather than quantitatively? And do students evaluate male-identified and female-identified teachers differently, and if so what are the differences? We show that qualitative analysis can reveal gender bias that is invisible in quantitative analysis. We find that female-identified staff are evaluated more positively than their male counterparts for undertaking time-intensive, stereotypically feminine, emotional labour. Male-identified staff are evaluated more positively for their technical expertise and teaching style. This suggests SETs evaluate gender-stereotypical behaviour rather than only teaching quality, and has significant implications for their use in universities

“Between the self and the other”: Clinical presentation of male supremacy in violent extremists

This paper examines the relationship between gender and violent extremism (VE) among individuals engaged in VE clinical services in Montreal, Quebec (Canada). We use mixed methods to understand the experiences and characteristics of individuals who express support for male supremacist ideologies. Study participants include 86 patients enrolled in VE clinical services and 7 clinical practitioners providing services. We conduct a retrospective chart review to identify clinical and sociodemographic characteristics of male supremacists. A focus group was conducted with members of the clinical team. Integrating quantitative and qualitative findings provides an opportunity to draw meta-inferences on male supremacist violent extremists, including a typology of the phenomena as well as clinical characteristics and social dynamics. Clinicians articulated that many of the harmful attitudes and beliefs of male supremacists were not marginal, but rather reflected in everyday forms of misogyny, homophobia and transphobia that were activated by their personal experiences. Our findings suggest the importance of clinicians remaining attentive to the underlying gendered grievances which shape a range of extremist beliefs. Finally, we explore the value of training practitioners who work on VE on diverse domains of gendered violence which may intersect with VE participation