Riccardo Marchi (2016), As direitas na democracia portuguesa. Origens, Percursos, Mudanças e Novos Desafios

 Um pouco por toda a Europa, e desde o despoletar da atual crise económico-financeira, temos assistido a uma radicalização política e, consequentemente, a uma polarização em torno da clivagem esquerda/direita, que, historicamente, tem orientado a vida política. Concomitantemente, tem ressurgido o debate teórico e ideológico em torno desta clivagem, tendo não só em conta a sua relevância na explicação do passado, mas também a sua validade na análise do presente e prospeção daquilo que será a p..

Sociedade civil e democracia: o Grupo de Visegrado em perspetiva comparada

Este artigo tem como objetivo inferir sobre a influência da sociedade civil na qualidade da democracia nos países do Grupo de Visegrado (Eslováquia, Hungria, Polónia e República Checa). Para tal, foi mapeada a evolução da sociedade civil nestes Estados, assim como mobilizados os principais debates teóricos em torno do tema. Recorrendo a dados de inquéritos internacionais ao longo de três períodos distintos, conclui-se que a adesão dos cidadãos a organizações voluntárias da sociedade civil é fraca nos quatro países. No entanto, no que diz respeito às diferenças, a República Checa apresenta os melhores níveis de participação em organizações voluntárias, em oposição à Polónia que apresenta os piores. Quando analisada a relação entre sociedade civil, associativismo e democracia, é possível concluir que embora estes países possam estar a enfrentar uma deriva autoritária, esta não deve ser imputada aos fracos níveis de associativismo.This article aims to understand the influence of civil society on the quality of democracy in the Visegrad Group countries (Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic). To do so, the evolution of civil society in these countries was mapped, and the main theoretical debates on the theme were mobilised. Using data from international surveys over three different periods of time, it was found that citizen adherence to voluntary civil society organizations is weak in the four countries. These differences notwithstanding, the Czech Republic presents the best levels of participation in voluntary organizations, while Poland displays the worst. When analysing the relationship between civil society, volunteering associations and democracy, it can be concluded that, even though these countries may be facing a democratic setback, it should not be attributed to the weak levels of citizen participation in volunteering associations.Cet article vise à déduire l’influence de la société civile sur la qualité de la démocratie dans les pays du Groupe de Visegrád (Slovaquie, Hongrie, Pologne et République tchèque). À cette fin, l’évolution de la société civile dans ces États a été cartographiée, de même que les principaux débats théoriques autour du thème. En utilisant les données d’enquêtes internationales menées sur trois périodes distinctes, on peut conclure que l’adhésion des citoyens à des organisations volontaires de la société civile est faible dans les quatre pays. Toutefois, en ce qui concerne les différences, la République tchèque affiche les taux de participation les plus élevés au sein des organisations volontaires, à la différence de la Pologne, qui enregistre les pires. En analysant les relations entre société civile, mouvement associatif et démocratie, on peut conclure que, même si ces pays peuvent être confrontés à une dérive autoritaire, elle ne doit pas être imputée à de faibles niveaux du mouvement associatif

independência partidária e durabilidade da elite governativa portuguesa

SFRH/BD/150290/2019 UIDB/04627/2020 UIDP/04627/2020This article explores the influence of partisanship in the Portuguese governing elite’s durability from 1995 to 2015. Through a survival analysis, we studied the ministers and secretaries of State of seven governments. The main results suggest that partisanship is not relevant to explain the durability of ministers. Nevertheless, the independent Secretaries of State are less likely to remain on the office until the end of the mandate. Moreover, the effect of partisan independence on the durability of secretaries of States is larger amongst women and those aged between 41-50.publishersversionpublishe

Da deriva nacionalista de direita no século XXI: o caso da HUNGRIA no contexto do Grupo de Visegrado

Entre os países do Grupo de Visegrado, a Hungria tem sido apresentada como o caso mais “dramático”, aquele onde os partidos de direita nacionalista têm maior expressão eleitoral e parlamentar. Neste sentido, comparando este país com a Eslováquia, a Polónia e a República Checa e numa perspetiva atitudinal, a presente investigação visou responder à seguinte questão: que fatores explicam as semelhanças e as diferenças entre o voto nos partidos políticos de direita nacionalista na Hungria e nos restantes países do Grupo de Visegrado? Por forma a enquadrar esta pergunta foram feitas duas análises descritivas e contextuais. Com recurso a dados de desproporcionalidade do sistema eleitoral, fragmentação partidária, volatilidade eleitoral e polarização ideológica, concluímos que é na Hungria que o sistema eleitoral é mais desproporcional e o sistema partidário mais institucionalizado, favorecendo a ascensão dos grandes partidos. Tendo por base as sete rondas do European Social Survey (ESS), aferimos que as atitudes nacionalistas, conservadoras, autoritárias e favoráveis a um Estado social nacional são uma realidade nos países do V4. Para responder, diretamente, à questão de partida, foi feita uma análise multivariada, com base nas rondas 5, 6 e 7 do ESS. O presente estudo revela que são o nacionalismo introvertido, a xenofobia e a religiosidade que explicam as semelhanças entre o voto nos partidos políticos de direita nacionalista na Hungria e nos restantes países do V4. No que diz respeito às diferenças, são o nacionalismo étnico e propensão para um Estado forte que singularizam o voto no Fidesz-KDNP ou no Jobbik.Among the Visegrad Group’s countries, Hungary has been said to be the most “dramatic” case, in which the right-wing nationalist parties have more electoral and parliamentary weight. Thus, comparing this country with Slovakia, Poland and Czech Republic in an atitudinal perspective, the aim of this investigation was to answer the following question: which factors explain the similarities and differences between the vote in right wing political parties in Hungary and the other countries in the Visegrad Group? Two descriptive and contextual analyses were made to frame this question. Using electoral system disproportionality, party system fragmentation, electoral volatility and ideological polarisation data, we concluded that Hungary has the most disproportional electoral system and its party system is the most institutionalised, favouring the rise of the biggest parties. Based on European Social Survey (ESS) seven rounds, we concluded that the nationalist, conservative, authoritarian and favourable to a social national State attitudes are a reality in the V4 countries. To answer the research question, we conducted a multivariate analysis, based on the 5th, 6th and 7th rounds of the ESS. This study reveals that introverted nationalism, xenophobia and religiosity explain the similarities between the voting among the right wing nationalist parties in Hungary and in the other V4 countries. In what concerns the differences, ethnical nationalism and the tendency to a strong State led to the singular vote in Fidesz-KDNP or Jobbik

Workers’ EU political alignments during the Great Recession

Using data from the European Election Study 2014, this article focuses on workers’ EU political alignments during the Great Recession. It deals with two research questions. First, how does the attitude of (manual) workers towards the EU compare to that of the middle and upper classes in the aftermath of the Great Recession? Second, when it comes to workers’ support for the EU, are there systematic differences between countries affected by the crisis? The article finds that, on the one hand, in terms of patterns of workers’ EU political alignments, there are no systematic differences between countries affected to varying degrees by the Great Recession. On the other hand, workers still feel fundamentally detached from the EU, especially when it comes to the manual workers. However, high levels of generalised detachment from the EU are not clearly translated into preferences for Eurosceptic parties, since there are high levels of vote fragmentation.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Collaborative logistics and eco-efficiency indicators: an analysis of soy and fertilizer transportation in the ports of Santos and Paranaguá

The present study aims to investigate the use of collaborative logistics between soybean export and fertilizer import operations in the main logistical corridors in the state of Mato Grosso to the ports of Santos and Paranaguá, aiming to identify, analyze and propose an indicator of eco-efficiency that seeks to reduce the financial and environmental impacts of this practice. For that, two scenarios were analyzed, namely: base and ideal. In the ideal scenario, the entire imported fertilizer load participates in collaborative logistics. The base scenario was defined by applying a questionnaire to 96 drivers working in the ports of Santos and Paranaguá, thus identifying the incidence of trucks that return loaded from the port areas with fertilizers. Comparing the base scenario with the ideal scenario, the potential impact regarding the costs of road transport of fertilizers is around R$14,696,509.89 in the port of Santos and R$ 11,806,055.10 in Paranaguá, totaling R$ 26,502,564.99. In the ideal scenario, there was a reduction in CO2 emission during 2018 in the order of 29.48 kg CO2 per ton transported in the port of Santos, with the reduction obtained in Paranaguá was 14.38 kg CO2 per ton

Uma intervenção de ensino em estatística no ensino profissional através de investigações estatísticas

Alguns estudos realizados em Portugal (e não só) têm mostrado que o ensino da Estatística nas escolas assume um carácter técnico e teórico (Fernandes, Carvalho & Ribeiro, 2007; Fernandes, Sousa & Ribeiro, 2004), não incluindo tarefas abertas, o uso de Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação ou o trabalho de grupo, que constituem orientações actuais para o ensino da Estatística. No presente estudo relatamos uma experiência de ensino em Estatística, envolvendo uma turma do Curso Profissional de Técnico de Gestão de Equipamentos Informáticos, do 10º ano, e em que os alunos, trabalhando em pequenos grupos, desenvolveram investigações estatísticas sobre problemáticas seleccionadas com a ajuda da folha de cálculo. Em termos de resultados da intervenção de ensino, verificou-se que todos os alunos concluíram a unidade de Estatística e manifestaram uma opinião positiva sobre a intervenção realizada, valorizando quer a estratégia usada quer o uso da folha de cálculo. O interesse e a importância destes resultados é ainda maior se tivermos presente que estes alunos, em geral, têm um percurso escolar menos sucedido na escola

Migration communication campaigns : the state of the practice and an open database

Published online: 23 February 2024-- Every year governments, international organisations, and civil society associations produce communications campaigns designed to affect numerous facets of migration. -- Despite their increasing ubiquity, resources, and—possibly—impact, as well as their profound scientific relevance, such campaigns remain understudied, and existing practice and research is disjointed across various sectors and disciplines. -- As such, policymakers wishing to design migration communication campaigns (MCCs) have no central pool of experience or expertise to draw upon. -- This report takes three steps to overcoming this shortcoming by proposing and starting a unified, interdisciplinary practitioner and research agenda on migration communication campaigns (MCCs). -- We, first, overview the increased substantive importance and scientific interest of MCCs and outline six themes of research and a typology of MCCs. -- We then present our open-access, collaborative database of 301 migration communication campaigns conducted in Europe between 2012 and 2022. -- The Migration Campaigns Database (MCD) codes each campaign according to the following—theoreticallyjustified—variables: -- I. Demographics (“when, where, by and for whom?”): time, location, platform, subject actor (institution or person) and impact assessment -- II. Objective (“why?”): type, object of change, specific objective, and target audience of the campaign -- III. Substantive content (“what?”): topic and subject of interest -- IV. Message (“how?”): strategies, values, and emotions -- We provide initial analyses of how the above factors vary amongst the MCCs, as well as example observations. Findings include that the values-basis of the appeals are most commonly “universalism” and then “stimulation” while the most common emotional appeal is “sadness” (in both cases, contra the recommendations of Dennison, 2020 and 2023b, respectively). -- Finally, we argue that the MCD provides practical understanding of MCCs to practitioners and an opportunity to begin more systematic research in this field. -- We invite ongoing submission of all types of MCCs globally to create a bridge between communities of academics, policymakers, and communicators by filling a dedicated form online (https://tinyurl.com/4t78hn23). -- The live MCD can be found at: https://migrationpolicycentre.eu/the-migration-campaigns-dataset-4

Migration Communication Campaigns Database

1 data file, 1 documentation filesThe Migration Communication Campaigns Database is an interactive and open source database with 301 migration communication campaigns conducted across Europe between 2012 and 2022. The database allows users to analyse and explore migration campaigns by demographics, objectives, content, and strategy. The database is a useful too to explore, inform, and improve migration communication.Data sources: Migration Communication Campaigns that are available and accessible online in 32 countries in the European Union, the European Free Trade Association, and the United Kingdom between 2012 and 2022

The Politicization of the European Union

What are the consequences of EU politicization for the EU and European societies? This book shifts the analytical focus from EU politicization processes to their empirical and normative research on the effects of politicization on public opinion, public discourses, policymaking and European integration