Russia in the liberal world order

Ideas about the nature of international order have been central to the contest between Russiaand ‘the West’ in the twenty-first century and are fundamental to the relationship betweenRussia and the structures and states of the European Union (EU). The extent to which thisorder is, or should be, a liberal one is the source of much political and analytical debate in theEU–Russia landscape, as is the nature of the role of the United States (US) in both internationaland European politics and security. In the context of a more assertive Russian foreign policy, arising China and a closer Sino–Russian relationship, and difficult Russia–US relations, the EUis increasingly entangled in the net of Russia’s relations with others, especially the US. Thischapter begins by considering the idea of a liberal world order (LWO), its origins, and some ofthe most significant debates about its character. Intimately connected to these debates are theissues of the LWO’s Cold War origins and its relationship to US hegemony. It explores Russia’srelationship to the LWO, and the ways in which that relationship is informed by Russian governmentalconcerns with US hegemony, or unipolarity. The chapter then considers the complexinterrelationship of Russia, the LWO and Europe before concluding with some thoughtsabout possible futures.History and International Relation

Understanding Russia's return to the Middle East

Over recent years, there has been a significant resurgence of Russian power and influence in the Middle East, which has been evident in the diplomatic and military intervention into Syria. This article identifies the principal factors behind Russia’s return to the region. First, there are domestic political influences with the coincidence of the uprisings in the Middle East, the so-called ‘Arab Spring,’ with large-scale domestic opposition protests within Russia during the elections in 2011–2012. Second, there is the role of ideas, most notably the growing anti-Westernism in Putin’s third presidential term, along with Russia’s own struggle against Islamist terrorism. These ideational factors contributed to Russia’s resolve to support the Assad government against both Western intervention and its domestic Islamist opposition. Third, Russia has benefited from a pragmatic and flexible approach in its engagement with the region. Moscow seeks to ensure that it is a critical actor for all the various states and political movements in the Middle East

Beyond spheres of influence: the myth of the state and Russia’s seductive power in Kyrgyzstan

This article questions the analytical value of “spheres of influence” for understanding power and the state in the post-Soviet region and beyond, based on a critical deconstruction of the ontological and epistemological assumptions inherent in the concept. It proposes an alternative reading of power and the state, drawing on the concept of “seductive power” at a distance and Timothy Mitchell’s “state effect.” Rather than the concept of a sphere of influence, a highly politicized concept that conveys an ontology that flattens and divides space, essentializes the state, and relies on an intentionalist account of power, we need an analytical framework that can help us make sense of the multiple, varied spatialities and historical legacies that produce the state and power. I demonstrate this through an extended discussion of Russian power in Kyrgyzstan, a country often described as a Russian client state. Mobilizing recent re-conceptualizations of state and power in anthropology and political geography, I present an analysis of Russia’s seductive power in Kyrgyzstan and the way it contributes to producing Kyrgyz state-ness. I also show how Russia’s Great Power myth is itself evolving and conclude that the differentiated, relational production of space and power in either Kyrgyz or Russian myths of the state is not captured by a the concept of a return to spheres of influence

Competing sovereignties in the former Soviet Union

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