Does Europeanisation matter? The Case of Slovenian Political Party Electoral Campaign for the European Union

This article is based on a comparative analysis of five major Slovenian parliamentary political parties at the time of the elections of deputies to the European Parliament (EP). The electoral campaigns of individual national political parties were scrutinized, with a special consideration of organizational features and strategic activities linked to the dynamics of the European Union (EU). The essence of the study lies in the detection of changes in political party election activities brought about by the impact of EU processes. The EU’s political, social and economic influence on the national political discourse through analysis of the EP electoral campaign structures and identities complements the more conventional approach to investigating the Europeanization of national political parties, with a conceptual framework based on Ladrech’s (2001) attempt to embrace the Europeanization phenomenon. Consequently, the emphasis is on identifying programmatic and organizational changes, patterns of party competition and relations beyond the national party system. Party references to transnational interactions and networks, cooperation with foreign national and supranational party structures or representatives, the organizational and power relations of electoral campaign teams, the relevance of EU issues and institutions’ assessments and the perception of the pro and contra EU dimension therefore make up the core elements of this paper

VOTER’S ABSTINENCE IN EUROPEAN ELECTIONS

U prilogu se analizira sve akutniji problem slaboga odziva birača na izbore za Europski parlament. Pozornost je usmjerena na identificiranje glavnih odrednica izborne participacije, s naglaskom na utjecaju predizborne kampanje na mobilizaciju biračkoga tijela. Analiziranjem rezultata različitih istraživanja javnoga mnijenja i primjenom Sinnottova (2003.: 16) modela sudjelovanja birača na slovenski institucionalni kontekst, autor pokušava osvijetliti temeljne okolnosti koje su izazvale zabrinjavajuće nizak odziv birača. Slabosti su izražene na području institucionalnih preduvjeta u obliku pojedinih nezgrapnih izbornih institucija i ponajprije na području institucionalne mobilizacije koja je obilježena nedorađenim predizbornim strategijama političkih stranaka te neprepoznatljivim i neprodornim kampanjama, koje bi trebale poticati veće biračko sudjelovanje. Niska razina institucionalne mobilizacije očito je utjecala na percepciju moći i povjerenje u političke institucije od strane biračkoga tijela. Zbog toga nisu u dovoljnoj mjeri bili osigurani institucionalni poticaji za odlazak birača na birališta. Autor zaključuje prilog prijedlozima promjena i dopuna na području izbornih institucija i prakse političkih stranaka, države i ustanova Europske Unije.The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, and focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates’ mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls and by applying Sinnott’s model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions – in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by halfbaked electoral strategies of political parties and the unremarkable and dull campaigns – that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate’s perceptions of power and trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter and improve the electoral institutions and the practice of the EU political parties, states and institutions

Stručni projekt studija političkih znanosti u Sloveniji: od komunističkoga monizma, demokratizacije i europeizacije do financijske krize

In this article, we assess the effects of democratic transition, the introduction of a capitalist economy, the creation of a newly independent state and international economic and political integrations on the employment potential of political science graduates. While we particularly focus on Slovenia, we will also consider the broader challenges faced by many professions across Europe. The empirical study is based on a series of tracer surveys carried out since 1969, as well as an analysis of political science programme curricula, enrolment and graduation statistics and official data on employability. The statistical and survey data is supplemented by stakeholders\u27 views. Our main finding is that, paradoxically, under socialism, the pressures on political science supported internal professional integration so that the profession was better able to adapt to the initial democratisation than to market-induced domestic changes and the challenges of global competitiveness (including the Bologna HE reform). The recent international financial and economic crisis has only reinforced these challenges.Autori u članku procjenjuju učinke demokratske tranzicije, uvođenja kapitalističkoga gospodarstva, stvaranja nove neovisne države i pristupanja međunarodnim gospodarskim i političkim integracijama na mogućnosti zapošljavanja diplomanata studija političkih znanosti. Iako je pažnja usmjerena na Sloveniju, članak otkriva općenite izazove s kojima se suočavaju mnoge struke diljem Europe. Empirijsko istraživanje temelji se na nizu "tracer" istraživanja provedenih od 1969., na analizi kurikula studija političkih znanosti, statistici upisa i diplomiranja i službenih podataka o mogućnostima zapošljavanja. Statističke i istraživačke podatke podržavaju i stajališta dionika. Glavni nalaz autora jest paradoks da su, u socijalizmu, pritisci na političke znanosti poticali unutarnju stručnu integraciju, tako da se struka mogla bolje prilagoditi početnoj demokratizaciji nego tržištem izazvanim domaćim promjenama i izazovima globalne konkurentnosti (uključujući bolonjsku reformu visokog obrazovanja). Nedavna međunarodna financijska i gospodarska kriza samo je ojačala ove izazove

The Potentials of Normative Sustainability: An Analysis of Sustainable Development Strategies on Global, Supranational and National Levels

The paper discusses the degree of normative sustainability achieved by selected regimes according to their sustainable development strategies. Focussing on Agenda 21, the Mediterranean Strategy of Sustainable Development, the European Union’s renewed Sustainable Development Strategy and Slovenia’s Development Strategy, the paper draws on Becker et al.’s cross-disciplinary concept of sustainability and the operationalisation of normative sustainability. On the basis of the analysis of objectives and rationales behind the investigated strategies as well as examination of the general context, the paper puts forward the differences between the examined regimes and explores the possible factors inducing them. The paper concludes with a general observation that the analyzed regimes reflect a fair degree of normative sustainability

Party-centrism and gender equality: a study of European elections in Slovenia

In 2004 female candidates won a relatively large proportion of Slovenian MEP seats due to effective institutional engineering and despite the: a)persistent dominating political culture (unfavourable to women in politics);b)predominant party-centric electoral system and election campaign; and c) further marginalisation of female candidates compared to male candidates in the printed media during the party-centric election campaign. Research findings support the thesis found in political party literature asserting political parties adapt to new electoral rules without radically changing how they function and without them struggling to change the dominant political culture and media reporting that is unfriendly to gender equality

Mladina 2020:

After ten years, we are again facing a survey on the position of young people in Slovenian society Mladina 2020. As this is a national survey on the young generation between 15-29 years, its informative value is for the client (Office of the Republic of Slovenia for Youth) society as a whole is of paramount importance. Our goal is primarily to realize the basic purpose of the research, which is to provide support in the Office in the next few years with the help of Youth 2020 with evidence of supported formulation of public policies in the field of youth. Along with the research, the contractors also prepared recommendations that can serve as a starting point for the design of measures. The latter should provide young people with better conditions for the transition to adulthood, and adults a peaceful maturity, aware that the young generation is empowered and well prepared to face all life circumstances. Is that true? So what is our youth like on the threshold of the 21st century?Po desetih letih je pred nami ponovno raziskava o položaju mladih v slovenski družbi Mladina 2020. Ker gre za nacionalno raziskavo o mladi generaciji med 15–29 let, je njena informativna vrednost tako za naročnika raziskave (Urad RS za mladino) kot tudi za mladino in celotno družbo izjemnega pomena. Naš cilj je v prvi vrsti udejanjanje temeljnega namena raziskave, ki je, da bomo na Uradu v prihodnjem nekajletnem obdobju s pomočjo Mladine 2020 nudili podporo z dokazi podprtega oblikovanja javnih politik na področju mladine. Ob raziskavi so izvajalci pripravili tudi priporočila, ki lahko služijo kot izhodišče za oblikovanje ukrepov. Slednji pa naj bi mladim nudili boljše pogoje za prehod v odraslost, odraslim pa mirno zrelo dobo, zavedajoč se, da je mlada generacija opolnomočena in dobro pripravljena na spopad z vsemi življenjskimi okoliščinami. Pa je res? Kakšna je torej naša mladina na pragu 21. stoletja

Slovenian regulatory dilemmas in the illicit drugs policy field

Slovenska politika do prepovedanih drog izkazuje nekaj ključnih značilnosti sistemov blaginje držav Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope. Kot posledica marginalnega značaja politike prepovednaih drog v domala vseh demokratičnih družbah je regulacija tega javnopolitičnega prostora postala izziv sleherne javne oblasti, saj se skozi omenjeni proces zrcalijo najosnovnejše ideološke preference odločevalcev. Relativno novo javnopolitično področje prepovedanih drog, ki je v določeni meri determinirano tudi z urejanjem podobnih zadev v prejšnjem režimu, je postalo poligon, kjer si stojijo nasproti različne nadnacionalne pobude glede regulacije področja prepovedanih drog na eni strani ter lokalne iniciative, ki se odzivajo na specifične probleme posameznih lokalnih skupnosti, na drugi. V prispevku proučujemo slednje, pri čemer se posebej osredotočimo na lokalne akcijske skupine ter njihovo ambivalentno naravo, ki v veliki meri izvira iz nuje po finančni ter posledično vsesplošni stabilnosti delovanja. V prispevku namreč opozarjamo, da lahko previsoka stopnja institucionalizacije in odvisnosti od javnih sredstev negativno vpliva na odzivnost same organizacije ter vprašanje dolgoročnega obstoja le-te položi v roke javnih oblasti, hkrati pa uveljavi novega "vratarja" za ostale civilnodružbene organizacije znotraj lokalne javnopolitične arene.Slovenian illicit drugs policy reflects several key characteristics of Central and Eastern European welfare systems. Due to the marginal character of illicit drugs policy in virtually every democratic society, regulation of the field has proven to be even more challenging since it reflects certain core ideological preferences of decision-makers. Being somewhat determined by the path taken for resolving similar issues in the previous regime, the relatively new policy field of illicit drugs has collided with certain supranational initiatives regarding the resolution of drug (ab)use on one hand, and local community initiatives responding to community needs on the other. We investigate the latter by focusing on Local Actin Groups and identify their amphibious nature which derives from the urge to secure funding and stability. Namely, their greater institutionalisation and dependence on public funds may compromise their responsiveness, introduce another gatekeeper for other civil society actors and eventually leave them to the mercy of local public authorities