Selv tiden står stille

When the Danish corona lockdown was announced 11 March 2020 everyday life suddenly changed for many Danes, including the taken-for-granted temporalities of daily life. The everyday micro-practices that normally sequence and materialize the multiple, competing, and entangled temporalities of the everyday came to a standstill. The lockdown in Denmark as a state of exception gave rise to new kinds of rituals, and ambivalent moods, and unlocked ideas about pasts and futures to reshaping. Based on ethnographic material the article investigates how well-known and new temporalities were practiced, materialized, and affectively experienced during the Spring 2020 lockdown, especially among university students in the Copenhagen area. It explores how the multiple temporalities of contemporary Denmark - time for work and leisure, family time, me-time, public ritual time, biographic time, hopes and fears for the future etc. - were attempted attuned to a new pandemic time of crisis. As a state of exception, the lockdown made the otherwise taken-for-granted everyday micro-practices of multiple temporalities visible and open to investigation

Elementer i Grundtvigs politiske tænkning

Grundtvig’s Political TheoriesBy Tine DamsholtGrundtvig’s positive view of the Danish absolute monarchy has often been a problematic issue in today’s understanding of Grundtvig’s political ideas. It is a common view that in 1848 Grundtvig turned a political somersault, suddenly becoming a democrat after being a fervent adherent of absolutism. Quite a few have wanted either to see a break in Grundtvig’s political view or tried to explain away his apparently »undemocratic« attitude. However, if one examines Grundtvig’s basic political opinions, it is possible to establish a continuity in his political view. It is possible to see his apparent change of attitude as an expression of inevitable consequences of his idea of what were the central democratic elements in relation to the changing political situations.The analysis of Grundtvig’s view of democracy and representative government must take its point of departure in the political tradition that Grundtvig had grown up in. The ideal concept of the 18th century of absolute monarchy as the interpreter of the people’s voice is an essential background for the understanding of Grundtvig’s praise of Danish absolute monarchy in the period before and after the Danish constitution came into effect.Grundtvig’s political ideal can be epitomized as a unity of the two concepts of the King’s hand and the people’s voice, i.e. an absolute King listening to the people’s voice as it finds expression in a free debate, in writing and in speech, in an enlightened people. The enlightenment of the people is crucial to Grundtvig, and the gist of his criticism of the French Revolution is that the unenlightened mob assumed power. The folk high school, where the people is enlightened and educated to rise above narrow selfish interests to look at the common good, is thus a central part of Grundtvig’s political universe.Grundtvig also maintained this ideal after the Danish absolute monarchy was abolished in 1848. He claimed that this was the original and therefore the true Danish constitution, thus embracing the national-romantic tradition

Følelser og subjektivering

Using patriotic sentiments as a vantage point, the article discusses emotions as a core element of the subjectivation of the late 18th century. Love of the Fatherland became a concept of the time to denote the proper attitude among the citizens; an emotion that should be experienced as an inner quality and not as an obligation forced upon them. This analysis investigates patriotism and cult of emotions as principal elements of a specific understanding of subjectivity and in the transition leading to romanticism and the 19th century. The analysis of subjectivation processes is based upon theoretical and analytical concepts from Michel Foucault. The 18th century cult of sensibility is seen as a part of a discursive formation, in which emotions are being objectified and textualized, and the individual is construed as a subject of emotion, reason and morality. It is proposed that military education and patriotic ritual enhanced the development of new forms of self awareness, and that emotions came to be central in the development of new âtechnologies of the selfâ that became important for the governmentality of modern states. The article is also a contribution to the genealogical analysis of how Western culture came to see emotions as the inner locus of the self, and hence as expressions of a true core of the individual