Em busca de uma opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo no Chile

From colonial times well into the twentieth century (and, unfortunately, even beyond) the man/land relationship in Latin America has been markedly unjust. Small numbers of families have owned large tracts of the best land, while large numbers of poor families have struggled with tiny plots of marginal land or labored on the estates of the rich. Chile was no exception to this pattern. Thus, its experiment with land reform in the 1960s and 1970s, the setback of reform under the military in the 1970s and 1980s, and the resumption of reform under democrats in the 1990s, may provide lessons for the rest of Latin America. Is a preferential option for the rural poor still possible in a neoliberal economic system? In Chile, the answer is a qualified “yes.” Key words: land reform, preferential option for the rural poor, Chile.Desde o período colonial até o século 20 (e infelizmente mesmo depois disso), a relação homem/terra na América Latina tem sido marcadamente injusta. Um pequeno número de famílias concentrou grandes porções das melhores terras, enquanto um grande número de famílias pobres lutava para sobreviver em pequenas parcelas de terras inférteis ou trabalhando nas grandes propriedades dos ricos. O Chile não foi uma exceção a este padrão de distribuição da terra. Deste modo, o experimento com reforma agrária nos anos e 70, e o retrocesso durante o governo militar nos anos 70 e 80, bem como a retomada da reforma agrária sob os governos democráticos dos anos 90, oferecem lições para o resto da América Latina. A opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo é ainda possível dentro de um sistema econômico neoliberal? No caso do Chile, a resposta é um “sim” com restrições. Palavras-chave: reforma agraria, opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo, Chile

Em busca de uma opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo no Chile

From colonial times well into the twentieth century (and, unfortunately, even beyond) the man/land relationship in Latin America has been markedly unjust. Small numbers of families have owned large tracts of the best land, while large numbers of poor families have struggled with tiny plots of marginal land or labored on the estates of the rich. Chile was no exception to this pattern. Thus, its experiment with land reform in the 1960s and 1970s, the setback of reform under the military in the 1970s and 1980s, and the resumption of reform under democrats in the 1990s, may provide lessons for the rest of Latin America. Is a preferential option for the rural poor still possible in a neoliberal economic system? In Chile, the answer is a qualified “yes.” Key words: land reform, preferential option for the rural poor, Chile.Desde o período colonial até o século 20 (e infelizmente mesmo depois disso), a relação homem/terra na América Latina tem sido marcadamente injusta. Um pequeno número de famílias concentrou grandes porções das melhores terras, enquanto um grande número de famílias pobres lutava para sobreviver em pequenas parcelas de terras inférteis ou trabalhando nas grandes propriedades dos ricos. O Chile não foi uma exceção a este padrão de distribuição da terra. Deste modo, o experimento com reforma agrária nos anos e 70, e o retrocesso durante o governo militar nos anos 70 e 80, bem como a retomada da reforma agrária sob os governos democráticos dos anos 90, oferecem lições para o resto da América Latina. A opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo é ainda possível dentro de um sistema econômico neoliberal? No caso do Chile, a resposta é um “sim” com restrições. Palavras-chave: reforma agraria, opção preferencial pelos pobres do campo, Chile

'To live and die [for] Dixie': Irish civilians and the Confederate States of America

Around 20,000 Irishmen served in the Confederate army in the Civil War. As a result, they left behind, in various Southern towns and cities, large numbers of friends, family, and community leaders. As with native-born Confederates, Irish civilian support was crucial to Irish participation in the Confederate military effort. Also, Irish civilians served in various supporting roles: in factories and hospitals, on railroads and diplomatic missions, and as boosters for the cause. They also, however, suffered in bombardments, sieges, and the blockade. Usually poorer than their native neighbours, they could not afford to become 'refugees' and move away from the centres of conflict. This essay, based on research from manuscript collections, contemporary newspapers, British Consular records, and Federal military records, will examine the role of Irish civilians in the Confederacy, and assess the role this activity had on their integration into Southern communities. It will also look at Irish civilians in the defeat of the Confederacy, particularly when they came under Union occupation. Initial research shows that Irish civilians were not as upset as other whites in the South about Union victory. They welcomed a return to normalcy, and often 'collaborated' with Union authorities. Also, Irish desertion rates in the Confederate army were particularly high, and I will attempt to gauge whether Irish civilians played a role in this. All of the research in this paper will thus be put in the context of the Drew Gilpin Faust/Gary Gallagher debate on the influence of the Confederate homefront on military performance. By studying the Irish civilian experience one can assess how strong the Confederate national experiment was. Was it a nation without a nationalism

Seeking a preferential option for the rural poor in Chile

From colonial times well into the twentieth century (and, unfortunately, even beyond) the man/land relationship in Latin America has been markedly unjust. Small numbers of families have owned large tracts of the best land, while large numbers of poor families have struggled with tiny plots of marginal land or labored on the estates of the rich. Chile was no exception to this pattern. Thus, its experiment with land reform in the 1960s and 1970s, the setback of reform under the military in the 1970s and 1980s, and the resumption of reform under democrats in the 1990s, may provide lessons for the rest of Latin America. Is a preferential option for the rural poor still possible in a neoliberal economic system? In Chile, the answer is a qualified ye