Population and housing

In this paper I explore the relationship between population and housing. I argue that this relationship is two-sided. On the one hand, the size of a population, and particularly the number of households, determines the demand for housing. On the other hand, the availability of suitable and affordable housing may attract certain categories of migrants. It also influences young people’s opportunities to leave the parental home, marry or cohabit, and have children. Furthermore, home-ownership hampers residential mobility and migration by binding people to a place.fertility, household formation, housing, population

Location Choices of Migrant Nest-Leavers: Spatial Assimilation or Continued Segregation?

We examine ethnic differences in the ethnic composition of the destination neighbourhood upon leaving the parental home using administrative data for the entire birth cohort 1983 living in the Netherlands. The analysis provides little evidence of a clear intergenerational break in the location choices of young men and women from a non-western origin compared to their parents. The neighbourhood choice pattern of those who leave the parental home for independent and shared living arrangements does not differ markedly from that of their parents, while nest-leavers for union formation are more likely to move to neighbourhoods with a relatively small proportion of non-western inhabitants. A decomposition analysis indicates that an overwhelmingly large part of neighbourhood choice is explained by differences in background variables. Particularly, the origin neighbourhood type of nest-leavers seems to be a driving force underlying the choice of destination neighbourhood, given individual and parental socioeconomic characteristics.leaving home, spatial assimilation, migrants

A comparative analysis of leaving home in the United States, the Netherlands and West Germany

We investigate how leaving the parental home differs between three countries with different welfare-state and housing systems: the USA, the Netherlands and West Germany. Using longitudinal survey data, we examine the transitions of leaving home to live with and without a partner. We find that, much more than in the European countries, union formation has become separated from leaving home in the USA. We also find a different impact of level of education and employment status on leaving-home patterns in the European countries with their social-welfare state system than in the US system in which market forces prevail. The differences are not just related to welfare-state systems but also to the sizes of the countries and the geographical dispersion of jobs and educational opportunities.Germany, household, leaving the parental home, Netherlands, union formation, USA

Putting family centre stage:Ties to nonresident family, internal migration, and immobility

BACKGROUND Despite research paying increasing attention to intergenerational care and geographical distance between family members, the role played in internal migration and immobility in industrialised countries by ties to family living outside the household has remained understudied and poorly theorised. OBJECTIVE I propose a novel perspective on internal migration and immobility that complements existing perspectives: the family ties perspective. This perspective focuses on the role of family outside the household in internal migration and immobility. An agenda for research applying this perspective is also presented. CONTRIBUTION I suggest how ties to family outside the household (denoted as 'family ties') can be introduced into cost-benefit approaches of migration, and argue how migration and immobility are related to the linked lives of family members. I also put forward ideas on how the role of family ties differs between individuals, between life-course stages, and between contexts. I go on to argue how previous models of internal migration and estimations of effects of migration on individual labour market outcomes might be biased by not taking into account the impact of family ties. Finally, I present an agenda for research on internal migration and immobility that pays due attention to ties to family outside the household

Migration Versus Immobility, and Ties to Parents

We investigate the association between geographic proximity to parents and the likelihood of moving longer distances (e.g. at least 40 km), using British panel data from the Understanding Society study and probit regression. We also look at the extent to which this association diminishes by introducing measures of frequency of contact, interaction with neighbors and length of residence. Using a number of different models and samples, we find that living far from parents increases longer distance mobility. Seeing parents weekly and more interactions with neighbors reduce longer distance mobility, but its association with parental proximity remains substantial. The positive effect of living far from parents on the likelihood of moving longer distances is also found in subsamples of those who have lived in their current residence for 5 years or less and of the highly educated, while the negative effect of seeing parents weekly is also found in these subsamples as well as in a subsample of those living close to parents. Even though endogeneity cannot be ruled out completely, these findings show a robust association between family ties and the likelihood of moving a long distance

Comparing the fertility of Ghanaian migrants in Europe with nonmigrants in Ghana

The fertility behaviour of migrants is often studied by examining migrants and native nonmigrants in the country of destination. To understand the mechanisms for migrant fertility, it is important to know what distinguishes them from the population they originate from. The Ghanaian sample of the "Migrations between Africa and Europe" project allows us to contrast the fertility of those who never emigrated from Ghana and Ghanaian migrants who are residing in the UK or the Netherlands. First, we estimate discrete‐time hazard models of first birth to evaluate whether first birth timing is influenced by migration. Second, we apply Poisson regression techniques to examine differentials in completed fertility. We find that Ghanaian migrants postpone first childbirth compared with nonmigrants. Differences are largest at ages 20 to 24 for women and 20 to 29 for men. Ghana experiences a typical brain drain, which means that especially the highly skilled emigrate. In our sample, this is particularly true for women. Education seems to be an important determinant of the postponement of first childbirth in Ghana, although we cannot clearly attribute migrants' later first births to their higher level of education. However, our findings on completed fertility reveal that migrants have fewer children than nonmigrants and this difference diminishes considerably if we take into account their level of education. Apparently, migrants do not fully catch up after postponing first childbirth and end up with a lower number of children by the age of 40

Living arrangements of young adults in Europe

Comparative research suggests that there are great cross-national and cross-temporal differences in living arrangements of young adults aged 18-34 in Europe. In this paper, we examine young adults’ living arrangements (1) across several European countries and different national contexts, and (2) by taking into account cross-time variability. In doing so, we pay careful attention to a comprehensive conceptualisation of living arrangements (including extended and non-family living arrangements). The aim of this paper is to deepen our understanding of family structure and household arrangements in Europe by examining and mapping the cross-national and cross-temporal variety of young adults’ living arrangements. For our analysis we use data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series International (IPUMSi) for the census rounds 1980, 1990, and 2000 for eight European countries (Austria, France, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Portugal, Romania, and Switzerland). We employ log-linear models to ascertain the influence of individual and contextual factors on living arrangements. The analyses lend further support to a North/West – South/East divide in living arrangements and general gender differentials in extended family living. Other interesting results are the heterogeneity in the living arrangements of single mothers across geographic areas, and the upward trend of extended household living for young men and women between 1980 and 2000.<br/

Insecure tenure in Amsterdam:who rents with a temporary lease, and why? A baseline from 2015

Given that insecure leases impact negatively on ontological security and subjective well-being, and given increasing pressure on European housing markets, more insight into insecure leases is timely. In this article, we assess the occurrence of temporary leases in the city of Amsterdam in 2015, and explore the characteristics of the tenants. We employ hitherto underused local survey data (N = 17,803). Although permanent contracts are still dominant, the majority of young adults aged 18–23 are renters with a temporary lease. Students, those with a Western migration background, those who moved because their previous rental contract was terminated or because the previous dwelling was too expensive, and those who moved from abroad were particularly likely to have a temporary lease. Families were unlikely to have a temporary lease. Given recent developments–in 2016 temporary leases were legally established as a regular tenure in the Netherlands–the number of temporary leases may increase sharply from the reported baseline of 2015

Nonresident family as a motive for migration

BACKGROUND A great deal of research has focused on employment and educational reasons for migration. Recent research has also begun to explore social motives. However, we still know very little about the role of nonresident family for moving, especially over long distances. OBJECTIVE We examine (1) the prevalence of nonresident family as a primary motive versus a secondary and location-based motive for migration, (2) moving away from family versus moving toward family, (3) how individuals' reported family motives correspond to their actual migration toward family members, and (4) the sociodemographic characteristics of individuals who report family as a motive for migration. METHODS The data were derived from the Swedish Motives for Moving survey, which is based on an analytic sample of 4,601 Swedish respondents who migrated at least 20 km in 2007. We present descriptive statistics and quotes to illustrate respondents' reports of their migration motives. As a tool for sophisticated description, we also provide the results of logistic and ordered logistic regression models of mentioning nonresident family as a motive for moving. CONTRIBUTION Common assumptions that internal migration is related to employment and education underestimate the importance of family as a motive. Moreover, nonresident family is among the secondary and location-based considerations for many more migrants than data on only primary motives might suggest. Reports of migration toward family are far more common than reports of migration away from family. We provide support for the assumption underlying previous work that moves toward family are indeed motivated by family considerations and not just a by-product of other considerations. Sociodemographic characteristics associated with reporting nonresident family are in line with expectations based on prior research and theory

The roles of family resources and family structure in moving from the parental home and village among young Indonesians

This study assesses the effects of family resources and family structure among young Indonesians on the likelihood of leaving the parental home and village in general and for three types of reasons: work, education, and marriage. Using all five waves of the Indonesia Family Life Survey, we find that the effects of family resources and structure differ by reason for moving. For example, parental education is positively related to moving for education, but not to moving for work or marriage. We also find that being the oldest child is positively related to moving in general and belonging to an extended family is negatively related to moving for work. Our results suggest that moving from the parental village for work, education, and marriage are different processes. Furthermore, while some of the findings are in line with previous findings for leaving home in Western countries, other findings are typical of developing countries