Morphological paradigms in language processing and language disorders

We present results from two cross-modal morphological priming experiments investigating regular person and number inflection on finite verbs in German. We found asymmetries in the priming patterns between different affixes that can be predicted from the structure of the paradigm. We also report data from language disorders which indicate that inflectional errors produced by language-impaired adults and children tend to occur within a given paradigm dimension, rather than randomly across the paradigm. We conclude that morphological paradigms are used by the human language processor and can be systematically affected in language disorders

The Perfective Past Tense in Greek Adolescents with Down Syndrome

This study investigates the ability of a group of eight Greek-speaking adolescents with Down Syndrome (DS) (aged 12.1-18.7) to handle the perfective past tense using an acceptability judgement task. The performance of the DS participants was compared with that of 16 typically-developing children whose chronological age was matched with the mental age of the DS group. For existing verbs, both groups showed high accuracy scores for the sigmatic past tense whilst for (potential but non-existing) nonce verbs the DS group performed differently from the controls. Specifically, their judgements were unaffected by a nonce verb's similarity to existing verbs, unlike those of the controls, suggesting that the DS participants were less reliant on similarity-based generalisations when encountering a nonce word than the controls. Apart from that, it was found that people with DS did not show any kind of morphological impairment, replicating previous findings on past tense production in DS

The perfective past tense in Greek child language

ABSTRACTThis study examines the perfective past tense of Greek in an elicited production and an acceptability judgment task testing 35 adult native speakers and 154 children in six age groups (age range: 3 ; 5 to 8 ; 5) on both existing and novel verb stimuli. We found a striking contrast between sigmatic and non-sigmatic perfective past tense forms. Sigmatic forms (which have a segmentable perfective affix (-s-) in Greek) were widely generalized to different kinds of novel verbs in both children and adults and were overgeneralized to existing non-sigmatic verbs in children's productions. By contrast, non-sigmatic forms were only extended to novel verbs that were similar to existing non-sigmatic verbs, and overapplications of non-sigmatic forms to existing sigmatic verbs were extremely rare. We argue that these findings are consistent with dual-mechanism accounts of morphology.</jats:p

Morphologically complex words in L1 and L2 processing: Evidence from masked priming experiments in English

This paper reports results from masked priming experiments investigating regular past-tense forms and deadjectival nominalizations with -ness and -ity in adult native (L1) speakers of English and in different groups of advanced adult second language (L2) learners of English. While the L1 group showed efficient priming for both inflected and derived word forms, the L2 learners demonstrated repetition-priming effects (like the L1 group), but no priming for inflected and reduced priming for derived word forms. We argue that this striking contrast between L1 and L2 processing supports the view that adult L2 learners rely more on lexical storage and less on combinatorial processing of morphologically complex words than native speakers.</jats:p

Derivational morphology in the German mental lexicon: A dual mechanism account

The Dual Mechanism Model posits two different cognitive mechanisms for morphologically complex word forms: decomposition of regulars into stems and exponents, and full-form storage for irregulars. Most of the research in this framework has focused on contrasts between productive and non-productive inflection. In this paper, we extend the model to derivational morphology. Our studies indicate that productive derivation shows affinities with both productive and non-productive inflection. We argue that these results support the linguistic distinction between derivation and inflection, particularly as it is represented in realization-based models of morphology