31 research outputs found
Is knowledge contagious? : diffusion of violence risk reporting practices across cliniciansâ professional networks
The knowledgeâpractice gap remains a challenge in many fields. Health research has shown that professional networks influence various aspects of patient care, including diffusion of innovative practices. In the current study, we examined the potential utility of professional networks to spread the use of violence-risk-assessment tools in forensic psychiatric settings. A total of 6,664 reports, written by 708 clinicians, were used to examine the effect of cliniciansâ use of risk-assessment tools on subsequent reports by other clinicians with whom they share patients. Results show that professional networks serve as an important channel for the spread of assessment practices. Simulation of a continuing education program showed that targeting more influential clinicians in the network could be 3 times more efficient at disseminating best practices than randomly training clinicians. Decision-makers may consider using professional networks to identify and train influential clinicians to maximize diffusion of the use of risk-assessment instruments
Influence de la structure du paysage sur les mouvements et les stratĂ©gies de quĂȘte alimentaire du colibri Ă gorge rubis (Archilochus colubris)
Le traplining est une stratĂ©gie de quĂȘte alimentaire permettant aux animaux d'exploiter des points de ressources renouvelables dans le temps et distribuĂ©s de façon inĂ©gale dans l'environnement et ce, dans un ordre fixe et rĂ©pĂ©tĂ© de façon prĂ©visible. Un exemple bien connu de ressources qui aurait avantage Ă ĂȘtre exploitĂ© par traplining est le nectar prĂ©sent dans les fleurs. On distingue deux composantes principales au traplining . La premiĂšre est temporelle du fait que l'animal doit exploiter la fleur du moment que la quantitĂ© de nectar gĂ©nĂ©rĂ©e est suffisante pour au moins combler les pertes Ă©nergĂ©tiques engendrĂ©es par les dĂ©placements, mais sans trop de dĂ©lais afin de minimiser les pertes occasionnĂ©es par les compĂ©titeurs. La deuxiĂšme composante est spatiale. L'animal doit exploiter les parcelles de nourriture dans un ordre fixe, rĂ©pĂ©tĂ© et prĂ©visible. Ă ce jour, ce comportement fut gĂ©nĂ©ralement dĂ©crit de façon plutĂŽt anecdotique en nature ou observĂ© et Ă©tudiĂ© de façon plus formelle en captivitĂ©. De plus, la composante spatiale fut trĂšs souvent, sauf pour quelques exceptions, nĂ©gligĂ©e. Cette nĂ©gligence s'explique d'une part, parce que les nectarivores sont gĂ©nĂ©ralement trĂšs petits et d'autre part, parce qu'ils se dĂ©placent trĂšs rapidement sur de grandes distances, ce qui rend le suivi de leurs dĂ©placements difficiles. Dans cette Ă©tude, je dĂ©veloppe un indice permettant de quantifier ce comportement au niveau spatial et modĂ©lise cet indice en fonction de variables Ă©cologiques afin de mieux comprendre les motivations d'un individu Ă adopter cette stratĂ©gie d'exploitation des ressources, et ce, en utilisant comme modĂšle d'Ă©tude le Colibri Ă gorge rubis Archilochus colubris et une technique innovatrice de suivi des dĂ©placements de ces petits oiseaux. Mes rĂ©sultats montrent qu'il existe une grande variabilitĂ© entre les individus, de mĂȘme qu'entre les jours pour un individu donnĂ©, au niveau de la conformitĂ© des patrons de dĂ©placements entre les sources de nectar et les patrons attendus si les individus adoptaient le traplining . De plus, mes rĂ©sultats montrent que la structure du paysage, le niveau de concentration spatiale de l'individu, l'ampleur de ses dĂ©placements et le nombre de sources de nectar frĂ©quentĂ©es affectent tous le niveau de conformitĂ© de la quĂȘte alimentaire avec le traplining . Finalement, mon travail souligne l'importance de considĂ©rer simultanĂ©ment les composantes spatiale et temporelle du traplining avant de conclure qu'une espĂšce ou un individu opte pour une telle stratĂ©gie de quĂȘte alimentaire
La perception du prestige des occupations illicites par des délinquants : une perspective sur les capitaux criminels
Le prestige occupationnel est une mesure utilisĂ©e en sociologie des professions pour dĂ©terminer le statut social dâun emploi sous la forme dâun continuum hiĂ©rarchisĂ©. Cette mesure peut ĂȘtre dĂ©finie selon : le revenu, lâautoritĂ©, lâautonomie et les compĂ©tences. En ce basant sur des entrevues auprĂšs de dĂ©linquants incarcĂ©rĂ©s (n=138), cette Ă©tude Ă©value si la notion de prestige sâapplique aux occupations illicites. Les rĂ©sultats suggĂšrent que les domaines dâactivitĂ© des occupations illicites ne prĂ©sentent pas dâhomogĂ©nĂ©itĂ© en termes de prestige. Certaines caractĂ©ristiques dĂ©finissant le prestige des occupations licites, comme le revenu et la compĂ©tence, contribuent Ă dĂ©finir le prestige des occupations illicites, par contre, lâautonomie et lâautoritĂ© nây contribuent pas. Le milieu criminel prĂ©sente des caractĂ©ristiques particuliĂšres comme la difficultĂ© dâatteindre une continuitĂ© dans son occupation. Cette continuitĂ© explique le prestige des occupations illicites, mais non celui des occupations licites. Dâautres indicateurs, comme le rĂ©seau criminel et la prĂ©sence dâun mentor, influençant pourtant les revenus, nâont pas dâimpact sur le prestige des occupations illicite. Des modĂšles dâĂ©quations structurelles ont Ă©tĂ© utilisĂ©s pour vĂ©rifier les relations indirectes et les conversions entre les types de capitaux selon la thĂ©orie de lâespace social de Pierre Bourdieu. Ces analyses suggĂšrent lâessentialitĂ© de la notion de compĂ©tence et de continuitĂ©. La discussion et la conclusion Ă©labore sur les notions de continuitĂ©, dâaccumulation et de conversion de capital.Occupational prestige is a measure used in the sociology of profession as a determinant of social status. It is conceptualized on continuum, and organized in a hierarchy defined by income, authority, autonomy and qualifications. Using interviews with incarcerated offenders (n=138), this study assesses if this concept of prestige can be used in the context of unlawful occupations. The results suggest that criminal occupation domains are not homogeneous with regards to prestige. Some indicators which contribute to the explanation of lawful occupationsâ prestige, such as income and qualifications, contribute to unlawful occupational prestige as well, contrarily to autonomy and authority. The criminal world possesses some particular features such as the difficulty to attain continuity. This continuity explains unlawful occupational prestige, but not the lawful one. Other indicators, like the criminal network and the presence of a mentor influence criminal incomes, but have no direct impact on unlawful occupational prestige. Structural equation modeling was used to observe indirect relationships and conversion rates between the different forms of capitals according to the Pierre Bourdieuâs social space theory. These analyses suggest the essentiality of the qualification and the continuity. The discussion and conclusion develop on the concepts of continuity, capital accumulation and conversion
Lâimpact des expĂ©riences dâimpunitĂ© sur les risques de rĂ©cidive pĂ©nale
ConsidĂ©rant que la probabilitĂ© dâĂȘtre puni varie dâun individu Ă lâautre, la thĂ©orie de la dissuasion doit ĂȘtre adaptĂ©e pour tenir compte Ă la fois des expĂ©riences dĂ©linquantes punies et impunies. Lâomission de ce paramĂštre du modĂšle de dĂ©cision peut amener des biais importants et une surestimation de lâĂ©chec au sein dâune carriĂšre dĂ©linquante. Les Ă©tudes de prĂ©diction de la rĂ©cidive se basant uniquement sur les donnĂ©es pĂ©nales sont vulnĂ©rables Ă ce biais. Dans le cadre de cette Ă©tude, les donnĂ©es de dĂ©linquance autorĂ©vĂ©lĂ©e dâun Ă©chantillon de 199 dĂ©tenus, mises en parallĂšle avec des donnĂ©es pĂ©nales, ont permis dâestimer la capacitĂ© individuelle dâĂ©vitement pĂ©nal. Lorsquâon prend en considĂ©ration cette disposition, les antĂ©cĂ©dents pĂ©naux deviennent un indicateur des Ă©checs auxquels les dĂ©linquants font face durant leur trajectoire dĂ©linquante plutĂŽt que de la poursuite mĂȘme de cette trajectoire, crĂ©ant lâillusion de lâefficacitĂ© de sa prĂ©diction par les antĂ©cĂ©dents pĂ©naux. LâintensitĂ© des coĂ»ts pĂ©naux antĂ©rieurs ainsi que les opportunitĂ©s dâemploi conventionnel sont deux facteurs qui rĂ©duisent la probabilitĂ© de la poursuite de la carriĂšre criminelle. Les bĂ©nĂ©fices soutirĂ©s des activitĂ©s criminelles augmentent cette probabilitĂ©.Given the fact that the probability of being punished varies between individuals, deterrence theory needs to be adapted to consider both punished and unpunished criminal experiences. Omitting this parameter from the decision model can lead to considerable biases and an overestimation of failure in the course of a criminal career. Studies in the prediction of recidivism that rely only on penal data are prone to this bias. In our study, self-reported offending data from an inmate sample (n = 199), in conjunction with penal data, allowed us to assess individual penal avoidance ability. When taking into consideration penal avoidance, past penal experiences appear to be an indicator of failure faced by offenders during their criminal career rather than its true continuation, creating the illusion of the efficient prediction of recidivism using past penal experiences. The intensity of past penal costs as well as legitimate opportunities are two factors that reduce the probability of the continuation of the criminal career. The benefits of crime increase this probability
Lâillusion des signaux pĂ©naux : lâeffet tendancieux de lâimpunitĂ© diffĂ©rentielle
RĂ©alisĂ© sous la co-direction de Pierre TremblayEn utilisant une approche Ă©conomique du crime, cette thĂšse sâintĂ©resse Ă la capacitĂ© des dĂ©linquants Ă minimiser leurs risques dâarrestation ou de condamnation et Ă lâimpact de cette adaptation diffĂ©rentielle sur la maniĂšre dont on devrait interprĂ©ter le profil du dĂ©linquant quâoffrent les statistiques policiĂšres ou correctionnelles. Les Ă©tudes qui ont utilisĂ© cette approche ont surtout insistĂ© sur les coĂ»ts pĂ©naux, mais omettent de prendre en considĂ©ration les bĂ©nĂ©fices que procurent les crimes aux dĂ©linquants et leur vulnĂ©rabilitĂ© diffĂ©rentielle aux risques, pourtant essentiels Ă la validation de cette approche. En considĂ©rant les expĂ©riences pĂ©nales comme un signal dâinformation entre les dĂ©linquants et les acteurs du systĂšme de justice criminelle, ceux-ci devront interprĂ©ter ce signal avec du bruit : lâĂ©vitement pĂ©nal. Cette distorsion du signal induit chez les policiers, les juges ou les agents correctionnels lâimage trompeuse du dĂ©linquant inefficace.
Notre premiĂšre analyse, basĂ©e sur une mĂ©thode dâestimation des populations, Ă©value lâintensitĂ© de cette distorsion Ă travers les diffĂ©rentes Ă©tapes du systĂšme pĂ©nal (arrestation, condamnation, incarcĂ©ration). Ce bruit ne se distribue pas de façon alĂ©atoire, mais est influencĂ© par les caractĂ©ristiques des dĂ©linquants. Les dĂ©linquants les moins vulnĂ©rables Ă la dĂ©tection se rĂ©vĂšlent plus expĂ©rimentĂ©s dans la rĂ©alisation de leurs dĂ©lits : plus ĂągĂ©s, plus mobiles, plus spĂ©cialisĂ©s.
Notre deuxiĂšme analyse sâest intĂ©ressĂ©e Ă lâeffet de lâĂ©vitement pĂ©nal sur notre interprĂ©tation de la rĂ©cidive. Les donnĂ©es de dĂ©linquance autorĂ©vĂ©lĂ©e dâun Ă©chantillon de dĂ©tenus, mises en parallĂšle avec les donnĂ©es pĂ©nales, ont permis dâestimer la capacitĂ© individuelle dâĂ©vitement pĂ©nal. Lorsquâon prend en considĂ©ration cette disposition, les antĂ©cĂ©dents pĂ©naux deviennent un indicateur des Ă©checs auxquels les dĂ©linquants font face durant leur trajectoire dĂ©linquante plutĂŽt que de la poursuite mĂȘme de cette trajectoire, crĂ©ant lâillusion de lâefficacitĂ© de sa prĂ©diction par les antĂ©cĂ©dents pĂ©naux. LâintensitĂ© des coĂ»ts pĂ©naux antĂ©rieurs rĂ©duit la probabilitĂ© de la poursuite de la carriĂšre. Les bĂ©nĂ©fices soutirĂ©s des activitĂ©s criminelles augmentent cette probabilitĂ©, alors que les opportunitĂ©s dâemplois conventionnels la rĂ©duisent.
Notre troisiĂšme analyse reprend une stratĂ©gie dâestimation des populations qui combine une variante adaptĂ©e aux dĂ©placements urbains des dĂ©linquants et procure une perspective plus macrosociologique Ă nos observations des chapitres prĂ©cĂ©dents parce quâelle Ă©tudie lâĂ©volution des populations dĂ©linquantes de diffĂ©rents groupes ethniques en fonction de la surveillance policiĂšre Ă laquelle ils font face. Nos rĂ©sultats indiquent que, pour les dĂ©lits dont le signalement est principalement proactif, un surplus de surveillance dâun groupe induit une baisse de surveillance auprĂšs des autres groupes. Il en rĂ©sulte que lâeffet prĂ©ventif obtenu dans le premier cas est annulĂ© par un effet incitatif dans le second cas, celui-ci Ă©tant suffisant pour observer une augmentation gĂ©nĂ©rale de la population dĂ©linquante. Cet effet Harcourt vient corriger lâillusion de lâefficacitĂ© du profilage criminel ou des interventions policiĂšres ciblĂ©es.
En conclusion, on constate quâen se basant seulement sur des donnĂ©es pĂ©nales, on entretient lâillusion de lâefficacitĂ© pĂ©nale. Le bruit causĂ© par lâĂ©vitement pĂ©nal ou lâimpunitĂ© diffĂ©rentielle des dĂ©linquants a des rĂ©percussions importantes sur notre comprĂ©hension du comportement adaptatif des dĂ©linquants.Using an economic approach to crime, this thesis focuses on offendersâ ability to minimize their risks of arrest or conviction and on the effect of this differential adaptation on the way we should interpret offendersâ profile based on police and correctional statistics. Studies using the approach mostly insisted on penal costs, but overlooked the benefits that offenders gain from crime and their differential vulnerability to risks, essential to its interpretation. Considering penal experiences as an information signal between offenders and criminal justice system officials, both parties would need to interpret this signal with a serious amount of noise: penal avoidance. This signal distortion induced to police officers, judge or correctional officers a misleading depiction of inefficient offenders.
Our first analysis, based on a population estimates method, assess the intensity of this distortion through the different steps of the penal system (arrest, conviction, incarceration). This noise is not randomly distributed, but influenced by offendersâ characteristics. Offenders who are less prone to detection are be more experienced in the achievement of their offences: older, more geographically mobile, more specialized.
Our second analysis looked at the effect of penal avoidance on our interpretation of recidivism. Self-reported offending data from an inmate sample, in conjunction with penal data, allowed us to assess individual penal avoidance ability. When taking into consideration penal avoidance, past penal experiences appear to be an indicator of failure faced by offenders during their criminal career rather than its true continuation, creating the illusion of the efficient prediction of recidivism using past penal experiences. The intensity of past penal costs reduces the probability of the continuation of the criminal career. The benefits of crime increase this probability while legitimate opportunities reduce it.
Our third analysis, also using a population estimates methods combined to a variation adapted for offendersâ urban mobility, gives a macro perspective to our past observations and allowed us to examine the evolution of offenders populations from different ethnic groups in function of the intensity of police surveillance they each are subject to. Our results suggest that, for offenses with more proactive reporting, an increased surveillance of one group results in the decreased surveillance of other groups. The preventive effect on the first group is then cancelled by an incentive effect on the second. This effect alone suffices to increase the total criminal population. This Harcourt effect corrects the illusion of criminal profiling or targeted strategies efficiency.
In conclusion, we observe that relying solely on penal data to assess offenders behaviours maintain an illusion of penal efficiency. The noise caused by offendersâ penal avoidance or differential impunity influences our understanding of offendersâ adaptive behaviors
La perception du prestige des occupations illicites par des délinquants
Occupational prestige is a measure used in sociology of occupations to establish the social status of a job as a hierarchized continuum. The measure can be defined according to income, level of supervision, independence, and competence. Based on interviews with violators committed to imprisonment (n = 133), this study assesses the applicability of the notion of prestige to illicit occupations. Results show that the domains of activities associated with illicit occupations are not consistent regarding prestige, contrary to licit occupations. Some of the characteristics that define the prestige of licit occupations, such as income and competence, contribute to define the prestige of illicit ones as well. The criminal milieu reveals specific characteristics, among which is the difficulty to obtain occupational stability. Studying criminality with the same notions we use for the population at large allows us to compare both environments to understand their components and differences. And understanding social desirability within the criminal milieu would allow for a better understanding of the permutations in an offenderâs career, that is, what motivates a delinquent to go back and forth between criminal and conventional occupations. ; Le prestige occupationnel est une mesure utilisĂ©e en sociologie des professions pour dĂ©terminer le statut social dâun emploi sous la forme dâun continuum hiĂ©rarchisĂ©. Cette mesure peut ĂȘtre dĂ©finie selon : le revenu, le niveau de supervision, lâautonomie et les compĂ©tences. En se basant sur des entrevues auprĂšs de dĂ©linquants incarcĂ©rĂ©s (n = 133), cette Ă©tude Ă©value si cette notion de prestige sâapplique aux occupations illicites. Les rĂ©sultats suggĂšrent que, contrairement aux occupations licites, les domaines dâactivitĂ© des occupations illicites ne prĂ©sentent pas dâhomogĂ©nĂ©itĂ© en ce qui concerne le prestige. Certaines caractĂ©ristiques dĂ©finissant le prestige des occupations licites, comme le revenu et la compĂ©tence, contribuent aussi Ă dĂ©finir le prestige des occupations illicites. Le milieu criminel prĂ©sente des caractĂ©ristiques particuliĂšres, notamment la difficultĂ© dâatteindre une stabilitĂ© occupationnelle. En Ă©tudiant le crime avec les mĂȘmes concepts que ceux utilisĂ©s pour Ă©tudier la population gĂ©nĂ©rale, il est possible de mieux comparer les deux milieux pour en comprendre les rouages et les distinctions. La comprĂ©hension de la dĂ©sirabilitĂ© sociale Ă lâintĂ©rieur du milieu criminel pourrait permettre de mieux comprendre les permutations dans une carriĂšre dĂ©linquante, Ă savoir les allers-retours entre les activitĂ©s criminelles et un emploi conventionnel
The judicious judicial dispositions juggle: characteristics of police interventions involving people with a mental illness
Objective: The number of police interventions with people presenting a mental health problem
has been increasing over the past 30 years and police services are becoming more aware of the
human resources and skills these interventions require. Our study addresses the characteristics
explaining police time used and outcomes of interventions as police officers interact with people
with mental illness.
Method: Using a police service administrative database from a large Canadian city, and an
identification algorithm method, police interventions with people with mental illness were
identified on 3 randomly selected days in the year. A content analysis of intervention logs was
carried out to identify characteristics of those interventions; the call initiator, the location, and
the final outcome of the intervention.
Results: Interventions with people with mental illness represent a small proportion (3%; n =
272) of all police interventions (n = 8485). General linear models show that the type of outcome
is the most important factor in estimating the time required by police interventions. Arrests and
hospitalizations are the least time-efficient outcomes, consuming 2.0 and 3.2 times, respectively,
more time than informal dispositions. A multiple correspondence analysis shows that police
interventions can be depicted in 2 dimensions, representing their main roles concerning people
with mental illness, namely, to ensure the public safety and to protect the most vulnerable
citizens. The more these services are required, the more police time will be required.
Conclusion: Education and partnerships between police services and mental health services
are essential to a proper management of outcomes
One Gang Dies, Another Gains? The Network Dynamics of Criminal Group Persistence
What leads a minority of criminal groups to persist over time? Although most criminal groups are characterized by short life spans, a subset manages to survive extended periods. Contemporary research on criminal groups has been primarily descriptive and static, leaving important questions on the correlates of group persistence unanswered. By drawing from competing perspectives on the relationship between cohesion and group persistence, we apply a longitudinal approach to examine the network dynamics influencing the life span of criminal groups. We use 9 years of official data on the criminal and social networks of gang associates in Montreal, Quebec, Canada, to delineate criminal group boundaries and examine variation in group duration. Our statistical approach simultaneously considers withinâ and betweenâgroup attributes to isolate how groupsâ cohesion, as well as their embeddedness in the wider gang structure, impacts survival. Our results show that group survival is a function of their cohesion and embeddedness. Yet, the relationship is not direct but moderated by group size. Whereas large groups that adopt closed structures are more likely to persist, small groupsâ survival depends on less cohesive and more versatile structures. In the discussion, we consider the impact of these findings for the continued understanding of group trajectories
Police encounters involving citizens with mental illness: use of resources and outcomes
Objective: Few studies have addressed use of resources in police interventions involving
individuals with mental illness. The time police officers spend on interventions is a
straightforward measure with significant administrative weight, given that it addresses human
resource allocation. This study compared the characteristics of police interventions involving
individuals with mental illness and a control sample of individuals without mental illness.
Methods: A total of 6,128 police interventions in Montreal, Québec, were analyzed by using a
retrospective analysis of police intervention logs from three days in 2006. Interventions involving
citizens with (N=272) and without (N=5,856) mental illness were compared by reason for the
intervention, the use of arrest, and the use of police resources. Results: Police interventions
involving individuals with mental illness were less likely than those involving individuals without
mental illness to be related to more severe offenses. However, interventions for minor offenses
were more likely to lead to arrest when they involved citizens with mental illness. Interventions
for reasons of equal severity were twice as likely to lead to arrest if the citizen involved had a
mental illness. After controlling for the use of arrest and the severity of the situation, the analysis
showed that police interventions involving individuals with mental illness used 87% more
resources than interventions involving individuals without mental illness. Conclusions: Future
studies using administrative police data sets could investigate the use of resources and division
of costs involved in new programs or partnerships to better address the interface of criminal
justice and mental health care
The predictive validity of clinical ratings of the Short-Term Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START)
With the increased need to assess and manage risk in inpatient settings, the Short-Term
Assessment of Risk and Treatability (START) was implemented on a civil psychiatric unit. The
goal of the present study was to examine the toolâs predictive validity when completed by clinical
teams as part of routine practice. Data were collected for 34 patients hospitalized for a minimum
of 30 days prior to and after a START evaluation. Several challenging behaviors, such as
aggression towards others, self-harm, and substance abuse were assessed using the START
Outcomes Scale (Nicholls et al., 2007). Results from multilevel logistic regression and Receiver
Operating Characteristics analyses lend partial support for the predictive validity of the START.
A limited set of START items combined was significantly better at predicting the challenging
behaviors than the original total Strength and Vulnerability scales. Results are discussed in terms
of the clinical use of risk assessment