239 research outputs found
Nominalized clauses, clausal arguments and agreement
Strict minimalist assumptions require adopting the hypothesis that argument clauses and nominalized clauses are assigned Phi features. The data examined suggest that the interpretable Phi content of these arguments is specified as [-P, -N, -G]. We conclude that all arguments (of the clausal or of the nominal types) are subject to the operation Agree with a functional category. All arguments behave alike as far as abstract computational operations is concerned. The computational component is blind to the concrete values of the features of the arguments related to functional categories.Supòsits estrictament minimalistes requereixen que s'adopti la hipòtesi que les oracions en funció d'argument i les oracions nominalitzades tinguin assignats trets Phi. Les dades que s'examinen suggereixen que el contingut Phi interpretable d'aquests tipus d'arguments s'especifica amb els valors [-P, -N, -G]. Es conclou que tots els arguments (tant de tipus oracional com nominal) se sotmeten a l'operació Concorda amb una categoria funcional. Tots els arguments es comporten de la mateixa manera respecte a les operacions computacionals abstractes. El component computacional no té en compte els valors concrets dels trets dels arguments que es relacionen amb categories funcionals
Possessive Pronouns in Catalan and the Avoid Pronoun Principle
En els Sintagmes Determinants (SDs) en català poden aparkixer dos tipus d'elements pronominals: el pronom possessiu i el pronom fort. Aquests elements difereixen en distribució, comportament sintàctic i propietats denotatives. En aquest estudi es mostra que l'alternança possessiu/pronom fort en les construccions nominals es paral·lela a l'alternanca pro/pronom fort en les estructures oracionals. Proposem que aquest paral·lelisme és una conseqüència de l'aplicació del principi "Eviteu el pronom" en els SDs i els SCs. Suggerim que "Eviteu el pronom" s'ha de concebre com un principi gramatical que imposa estratègies d'economia en el contingut lèxic de les categories pronominals, no en el seu contingut fonològic tal i com s'ha assumit fins ara.Two types of pronominal elements may appear in Catalan Determiner Phrases (DPs): the possessive pronoun and the strong pronoun. These elements differ in distribution, syntactic behavior and denotative properties. In this study, it is shown that the altemation possessivelstrong pronoun in Catalan nominal constructions is parallel to the altemation pro lstrong pronoun in clausal structures. We propose that this parallelism follows from rhe application of the Avoid Pronoun Principle in Catalan DP and CP structures. We argue that Avoid Pronoun has to be conceived as a principle of grammar imposing economy strategies in the lexical content of the pronominal categories, but not in their phonological content as has customarily been assumed
A Mark of Specificity in Indefinite Nominals
En aquest article es defensa la proposta de Diesing (1992) que els indefinits no poden rebre un tractament uniforme de variables o de quantificadors. L'evidència empírica a favor d'aquesta afirmació es basa en la posició dels adjectius qualificatius en els sintagmes determinants indefinits del català. Els adjectius qualificatius apareixen en posició prenominal si l'indefinit és específic, i en posició postnominal si és inespecífic. Es mostra, per tant, que la distinció entre indefinits específics i indefinits inespecífics té correlats sintàctics en llengües romàniques com el català
Evaluation of random forests on large-scale classification problems using a bag-of-visual-words representation
Random Forest is a very efficient classification method that has shown success in tasks like image segmentation or object detection, but has not been applied yet in large-scale image classification scenarios using a Bag-of-Visual-Words representation. In this work we evaluate the performance of Random Forest on the ImageNet dataset, and compare it to standard approaches in the state-of-the-art.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author’s final draft
Reactive transport modelling of cement-groundwater-rock interaction at the Grimsel Test Site
An in situ experiment at the Grimsel Test Site (Switzerland) to study water-cement-rock interaction in fractured granite was modelled. It consisted of a hardened cement source in a borehole intersecting a water conducting fracture. Grimsel groundwater was injected into this borehole. Two other boreholes at about 0.56 m and 1.12 m from the emplacement borehole were used to monitor the evolution of water composition for 5 years. The modelling approach was based on a 1D radial model for the emplacement borehole and a small volume of rock (fault gouge) around it, and a 2D model for the rest of the domain. The results of the 1D model were used as input for the 2D model. Both models showed dissolution of the fault gouge minerals. Results from the 1D model showed dissolution of portlandite in the cement with an increase in porosity. The 2D model showed a reduction in porosity in the fault gouge due to mineral precipitation. Near the emplacement borehole ettringite precipitated. At the centre of the plume there was precipitation of C-A-S-H and hydrotalcite. At the edge of the hyperalkaline plume calcite, hydrotalcite and illite precipitated.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author's final draft
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