Review of Universal Salt Iodation in East Central and Southern Africa (ACSA)

\ud This paper presents a regional position on Universal Salt Iodation (USI) intervention in 14 countries ill the East, Central and Southern Africa( ECSA) region,namely;Botswana,Kenya,Malawi,Mauritius,Mozambique,Namibia,bells,South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe The is a follow-up to a resolution on the need to develop a regional position on USI intervention which was made at the Commonwealth Regional Health Community 25th Health Ministers Conference in Port Louis, Mauritius from November;29,1996. The overall objective was to get views on the implementation of USI intervention in order to identify areas requiring facilitation, harmonization , coordination and collaboration at nation and regional levels in the ECSA. The preparation of paper involved reviewing of USI legislation regulations plans of action, survey reports and workshop papers. To substantiate the literature review, individual interviews were held with USI stakeholders in Malawi, Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe from July 10-21, 1997 In respect of the findings, all the CRHC mainland member states are implementing USI intervention as a long term strategy for virtual elimination of the year 2000. The evaluation results of some of the national programmes have shown improvement of indicators of adequacy of iodine in the body. For example there is crease in levels of urinary iodine and reduction of goiter in countries where the intervention has been implemented actively over the past few years. In order to enforce the marketing of iodated salt, more than half of the CRHC member states have legislated USI where those who have not passed legislation yet are promoting USI through extensive advocacy and marketing strategy. These national USI programmes are being augmented by technical, financial and material support from United Nations and multilateral agencies, and the cooperation and compliance of the salt industry in iodating and packaging salt in line with USI legislation of country in the ECSA region. There are obstacles and constraints that impinge on the progress of USI in the entire ECSA region: The national USI legislation and regulations are not harmonized. The role of other sub-sector such as agriculture, trade and industry, and issues related to quality assurance are not spelt out in the regulations. There is still disparity in level of awareness of USI and its importance at all levels. Except Malawi, the rest of CRHC member states have no USI legislation for all salt intended for animal consumption. This is threatening sustenance of USI as there some leakages of uniodated salt from livestock sub-sector to people. Further threat emerges from communities who produce uniodated salt on a small scale for their own consumption and sale in their localities. The export and import duty for iodated and uniodate salt are the same. This does not deter traders and consumers to market and use uniodated salt because its price is either low or similar to the price of iodated salt. The challenge is, therefore, how to place the USI high on the agenda of relevant national and ECSA regional sub-sectors which formulate, implement and coordinate policy in order to strengthen and harmonize the intervention as well as deploying regionally acceptable measures to overcome the constraints. The CRHC should facilitate the harmonization of the USI regulations in the ECSA region including the reduction of the present high iodine levels to the levels (20-40ppm iodine[30-66ppm Potassium iodate]) that are recommended by the WHO. The CRHC should ensure that quality assurance issues are made mandatory in order to promote quality of salt iodations during production and packaging. The CRHC should facilitate development of guidelines regarding the roles of all sub-sectors such as ministries of Agriculture, Health and Trade and Industry, Departments of customs (Revenue Collection Authorities) and Bureaus of Standards in the USI which should issued under the directive of the Southern Africa Development Community and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa trade agreement. The CRHC should facilitate and support promotion of USI through regional networking,development and production of information, education and communication(IEC) material, designation of a regional IDD/USI day establishment of IIDD newsletter. The CRHC should ensure that member states consider making uniodated salt for whatever use a controlled commodity and impose deterrent export and import duty in order to protect, support and promote use of iodated salt for human and animal consumption in the region. The CRHC should facilitate establishment of at least one regional micronutrients reference laboratory and improvement of the national laboratories. The CHRC should strengthen the Department of Food Security and Nutrition of personnel in order to enhance capacity to accomplish the suggested activities listed below along with other planned work in the Department. The CHRC should endeavor to mobilize technical, financial and resources for support of salt iodations in the region especially in countries which are lagging behind and small salt procedure. Facilitating and supporting the evaluation of selected national USI programmes in order to confirm the case for reduction of iodine levels in the ECSA region. Facilitating review and harmonization of USI legislation and relevant Standards Act in the ECSA region. Initiating and supporting the collaboration on the proposed imposition of deterrent export and import duty on uniodated salt in order to protect and promote use of iodated salt. Facilitating and supporting the guide for role vital sub-sector such as Bureaus of Standard, Chamber of Commerce, and Ministries of Trade and Industry, Agriculture, departments of Customs and Excise, in the promotion, supporting, protecting and monitoring USI in the ECSA region. Facilitating network and all aspects of IEC and designation of an IDD day in ECSA. Conducting ECSA regional conferences on USI policy direction and review with consideration of SADC and COMESA trade agreements. Establishing a regional data bank on USI and micronutrient in order to enhance and facilitate regional networking. Establishing a regional micronutrients reference laboratory for improvement of micronutrients laboratory services whilst on one hand, supporting devolution of some the services to the provinces in order to easy congestion in national laboratories. Collecting, documenting and disseminating USI current information and technology in the ECSA member states through newsletter, bulletins and regional workshops. Conducting and supporting training on: Micronutrients, food security and nutrition in order to develop and capacity for execution of intervention and Programme-driven (operational) research on micronutrient, food security and nutrition. \u

Reform of the international monetary system; some points of special interest to developing countries of the Commonwealth.

Meeting: Commonwealth Ministers of Finance Annual Meeting, 19-22 Sept. 1972, London, GBIDRC personnel. Study on reform of the international monetary system - discusses instablility in the system, its effects on developing countries (specifically of the Commonwealth), reserve currencies, the proposed Link between SDRs and development needs, foreign exchange reserves, constitutional issues of the IMF

The Unforgiving Land – Basis for a Post Liberation Programme in Namibia

SUMMARY Namibia's independence will pose a number of challenges to its first government. History, ecology, the structure of productive forces and the mode of production have imposed constraints and a need for change. The degree of freedom available is very limited. ‘Gradualism’ and ‘moderation’ are no longer viable options because of the course of the liberation struggle and of the efforts to repress it. Initial priorities are examined including maintenance of production in key industries and expansion of provision of basic services. These are also reviewed in terms of SWAPOs political programme goals which appear to be potentially consistent with a workable transitional strategy. RÉSUMÉ Le pays sans pardon. Base pour un programme d'après la libération pour la Namibie L'indépendance de la Namibie va poser un certain nombre de problèmes à son premier gouvernement. L'histoire, l'écologie, la structure des forces productrices et le mode de production ont imposé des contraintes et la nécessité d'un changement. Le degré de liberté possible est très limité. Le ‘gradualisme’ et la ‘modération’ ne sont plus des solutions viables en raison du déroulement de la lutte pour la libération et des efforts pour la réprimer. L'article examine les priorités au nombre desquelles le maintien de la production dans les industries clef et le développement du système assurant les services de base. Ceux?ci sont également envisagés dans le cadre des objectifs du programme politique de SWAPO qui semblent pouvoir s'accorder avec une stratégie de transition susceptible de réussir. RESUMEN La tierra que no perdona. Las bases de un programa posterior a la liberación en Namibia La independencia de Namibia planteará numerosas disyuntivas a su primer gobierno. La historia, la ecología, le estructure de les fuerzas de producción y el modo de producir han impuesto restricciones y exigen el cambio. El grado de libertad disponible es muy limitedo. El ‘gradualismo’ y la ‘moderación’ ya no son alternativas viables debido al curso tornado por la luche de libereción y e los esfuerzos para reprimirle. Se examinan las prioridades iniciales, que incluyen el mantenimiento de la producción en industrias clave y la expansión de la disponibilidad de servicios básicos. También se examinan estas prioridades en relación con los objectivos del programa político de SWAPO que parece tener consistencia probable con una estrategia pragmática de transición

A critical review of smaller state diplomacy

In The Peloponnesian War, Thucydides (1972: 402) highlights the effects of the general, overall weakness of smaller states vis-à-vis larger, more powerful ones in a key passage, where the Athenians remind the Melians that: “… since you know as well as we do that, as the world goes, right is only in question between equals in power. Meanwhile, the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” Concerns about the vulnerability of small, weak, isolated states have echoed throughout history: from Thucydides, through the review by Machiavelli (1985) of the risks of inviting great powers to intervene in domestic affairs, through 20th century US-led contemporary political science (Vital, 1971; Handel, 1990) and Commonwealth led scholarship (Commonwealth Secretariat, 1985). In the context of 20th century ‘Balkanization’, the small state could also prove unstable, even hostile and uncooperative, a situation tempting enough to invite the intrusion of more powerful neighbours: a combination, according to Brzezinski (1997: 123-124) of a power vacuum and a corollary power suction2: in the outcome, if the small state is ‘absorbed’, it would be its fault, and its destiny, in the grand scheme of things. In an excellent review of small states in the context of the global politics of development, Payne (2004: 623, 634) concludes that “vulnerabilities rather than opportunities are the most striking consequence of smallness”. It has been recently claimed that, since they cannot defend or represent themselves adequately, small states “lack real independence, which makes them suboptimal participants in the international system” (Hagalin, 2005: 1). There is however, a less notable and acknowledged but more extraordinary strand of argumentation that considers ‘the power of powerlessness’, and the ability of small states to exploit their smaller size in a variety of ways in order to achieve their intended, even if unlikely, policy outcomes. The pursuance of smaller state goals becomes paradoxically acceptable and achievable precisely because such smaller states do not have the power to leverage disputants or pursue their own agenda. A case in point concerns the smallest state of all, the Vatican, whose powers are both unique and ambiguous, but certainly not insignificant (The Economist, 2007). Smaller states have “punched above their weight” (e.g. Edis, 1991); and, intermittently, political scientists confront their “amazing intractability” (e.g. Suhrke, 1973: 508). Henry Kissinger (1982: 172) referred to this stance, with obvious contempt, as “the tyranny of the weak”3. This paper seeks a safe passage through these two, equally reductionist, propositions. It deliberately focuses first on a comparative case analysis of two, distinct ‘small state-big state’ contests drawn from the 1970s, seeking to infer and tease out the conditions that enable smaller ‘Lilliputian’ states (whether often or rarely) to beat their respective Goliaths. The discussion is then taken forward to examine whether similar tactics can work in relation to contemporary concerns with environmental vulnerability, with a focus on two other, small island states. Before that, the semiotics of ‘the small state’ need to be explored, since they are suggestive of the perceptions and expectations that are harboured by decision makers at home and abroad and which tend towards the self-fulfilling prophecy.peer-reviewe

Sport for social justice, capability and the common good:A position statement in honour of Tessa Jowell

There is a continuing debate about the contribution of sport and sport for development and peace (SDP) to both the theory and practice of social justice. At the same time the policy world is showing strong indications that it is seeking politically smarter ways of understanding what it means to foster social justice, development, and inclusive peace processes. This position statement is committed to sport actively being seen to be playing a part in addressing the challenges that face humanity in the 21st century. The proposition is that sport and SDP are served well by a capability approach (CA) as a framework that enables the construction of the common good. The article considers a CA for social justice prior to a discussion of sport, capability and the common good which positions sport as a resource of hope in fostering politically smarter cultural relations