The evolution of the ISIS’ language:A quantitative analysis of the language of the first year of Dabiq magazine

In this article we investigate the evolution of ISIS by analysing the text contained in Dabiq, the official ISIS’ internet magazine in English. Specifically, we used a computerized text analysis program LIWC (Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count) to investigate the evolution of the language of the first 11 Issues of Dabiq. First, our analysis showed that affiliation seems to be an increasingly important psychological motive for the group. Secondly, ISIS has been increasingly using emotions, which are an important mobilizing factor in collective action literature, in a strategic manner. Thirdly, ISIS language presents an increasing concern with females. Last but not least, our analysis shows that ISIS has been increasingly using internet jargon (net-speak), which shows how the group tries to adapt itself to the internet environment and to connect with the identities of young individuals

Predicting political involvement : the role of social identity and commitment to opinion-based groups

This thesis examines the main predictors of political involvement from a social identity perspective, thus the main questions addressed is when people decide to take collective action in relation to shared ideas. It is argued that group selfdefinition should predict intentions to undertake political behaviours. Surprisingly the existing literature does not unequivocally show that the strength of subjective group membership is a good predictor of group behaviour in general, or political behavioural intentions in particular. The thesis proposes four key solutions to this problem. The first is that the relationship will tend to be strong when groups are in conflict: intergroup conflict seems to help organize behaviour into oppositional forms. Secondly, the group membership will be a stronger predictor when the groups are normatively relevant to the predicted behaviour. As social identity theorists have long argued, group behaviour is only predicted by group membership when that behaviour is consistent with a relevant norm for the group. Thirdly, the relationship will tend to be strong when relevant groups are chosen, and the focus here is on opinion-based groups: groups defined on the basis of a shared opinion. Fourthly, the relationship will tend to be strong when the degree or strength of self-categorization is measured appropriately. Here the argument is that measures of certainty of self-definition as a group member capture these constructs best for opinion-based groups. To sum up, self-definition as an opinion-based group member should strongly predict political involvement in conditions of intergroup conflict and when the behaviours involved are highly consistent with the norms of the specific salient group membership. In addition to the main prediction that group self-defmition should increase political group behaviour it was also expected that, in line with self-categorization theory, measures which better captured salience of opinion-based group membership should be stronger and more direct predictors of behavioural intentions than standard social identification measures. Consequently self-definition as an opinion-based group member was assessed using standard identification scales but also some new items which were aimed to capture salience of opinion-based group membership. In particular, it was argued that certainty of self-definition as a group member holding a certain opinion would be the best indicator of salience, but only especially so in opinion-based groups. These ideas were explored in a series of six studies (two surveys and four experiments). The results of the first two experiments using minimal opinion-based groups show that intergroup conflict had some impact on the main variables involved, and suggested the direction for the next studies in which the link between opinionbased group self-definition and political behavioural intentions was directly investigated. Results from Studies 3, 4, and 5 strongly supported the hypothesis that the salience measure employed predicted political behavioural intentions over and above identification. However, Study 5 provided no evidence that conflict enhanced the expected relationship. Finally, the results of Study 6 suggest that the salience measure is highly sensitive to the normative context and is a good predictor of political behavioural intentions but only especially so for the highly normative and validated behaviours. The conclusion reached is that certainty of self-definition as an opinion-based group member is an excellent predictor of normatively relevant political behavioural intentions. The success of this measure stems for the fact that it captures the selfcategorization theory construct of salience more accurately than do standard measures of social identification and this is almost surely because these measures capture the (relatively) enduring aspects of salience that are associated with perceiver readiness. In summary, self-definition as a group member is indeed a good predictor of validated normative political behavioural intentions in opinion-based groups, even where there is not explicit intergroup conflict

Antecedents of Vaccine Hesitancy in WEIRD and East Asian Contexts

Following decreasing vaccination rates over the last two decades, understanding the roots of vaccine hesitancy has become a public health priority. Vaccine hesitancy is linked to scientifically unfounded fears around the MMR vaccine and autism which are often fuelled by misinformation spread on social media. To counteract the effects of misinformation about vaccines and in particular the falling vaccination rates, much research has focused on identifying the antecedents of vaccine hesitancy. As antecedents of vaccine hesitancy are contextually dependent, a one-size-fits-all approach is unlikely to be successful in non-WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and Democratic) populations, and even in certain (non-typical) WEIRD sub-populations. Successful interventions to reduce vaccine hesitancy must be based on understanding of the specific context. To identify potential contextual differences in the antecedents of vaccine hesitancy, we review research from three non-WEIRD populations in East Asia, and three WEIRD sub-populations. We find that regardless of the context, mistrust seems to be the key factor leading to vaccine hesitancy. However, the object of mistrust varies across WEIRD and non-WEIRD populations, and across WEIRD subgroups suggesting that effective science communication must be mindful of these differences

Integrating computerized linguistic and social network analyses to capture addiction recovery capital in an online community

The article describes a new methodology designed with the aim of finding a comprehensive, unobtrusive, and accurate way of capturing social recovery capital development in online communities of recovery from alcohol and drug (AOD) addiction. Recovery capital was conceptualised as both engagement in the online recovery community and identification with the community. To measure recovery capital development, naturally occurring data were extracted from the social media page of a specific recovery program, with the page being set up as a resource for a face-to-face recovery program. To map engagement with the online community, social network analysis (SNA) capturing online social interaction was performed. Social interaction was measured through the linkages between the online contributors/members of the online community as represented by program clients, staff, and supporters from the broader community. To capture markers of social identification with the online community, computerised linguistic analysis of the textual data (content from posts and comments) was conducted. Recovery capital captured in this way was analysed against retention data (a proxy outcome indicator), as days spent in the (face-to-face) recovery program. The online data extracted was linked to participant data in regards to program retention to test prediction of a key recovery outcome. This approach allowed the examination of the role of online support communities and assessment of the association between recovery capital (developed via the online community of recovery) and recovery outcomes

What the recovery movement tells us about prefigurative politics

The concept of prefigurative politics has re-emerged following recent worldwide uprisings, such as the Occupy movement, to which this concept has been applied. In applying a contemporary analysis to prefigurative politics, we explore the contribution of community-based recovery groups to the recovery movement, a socio-political movement in the fields of mental health and addiction treatment. We argue that collective action in recovery groups is derived from the formation of an opinion-based social identity and results in alternative approaches to unmet needs, creatively addressing these identified needs through the utilisation of personal, social and collective resources within an emerging recovery community. To illustrate our argument, we provide examples of community-based recovery groups and the approaches they use in addressing the identified needs of their recovery community. We conclude with an analysis of what community-based recovery groups and the wider recovery movement can contribute to a contemporary understanding of prefigurative politics

Challenges in assessing the nature of effective collaboration in blended university courses

The ability to collaborate effectively face-to-face and online represents a critical skill for university graduates. However, there are still challenges regarding how to accurately assess this skill through traditional student learning measures. To better understand the nature of effective collaboration of university students in blended courses, the current study drew on the student approaches to learning framework and social network analysis techniques. We examined how student approaches to inquiry, approaches to online learning technologies, perceptions of the blended learning environment, different learning outcomes and configurations of collaboration are related. The methodologies commonly used in student approaches to learning research identified deep and surface approaches to inquiry and technologies, positive and negative perceptions of the integration of the learning environment, and of online workload, which also showed logical alignment with relatively better and poorer academic achievement in the course. Based on approaches, perceptions, and learning outcomes, students were divided into groups orientated towards understanding versus reproducing learning. The social network analysis techniques revealed features of different configurations of collaborations by different groups of students and their choices as to whether and with whom to collaborate during the learning process. Nuanced differences were found amongst different configurations of collaborations. © 2021 Articles published in the Australasian Journal of Educational Technology (AJET). All Rights Reserved

Online Intergroup Polarization Across Political Fault Lines:An Integrative Review

We revisit the construct of political polarization and current distinctions between issue-driven and affective polarization. Based on our review of recent research on polarization from psychology, political science, and communication, we propose to treat polarization as a process that integrates the concepts of social identification (collective self-definition) with ideologically opposed camps - that is, psychological groups based on support or opposition to specific socio-political issues and policies (related to issue-driven polarization), and that of ideological and psychological distancing between groups (related to affective polarization). Furthermore, we discuss the foundations of polarizing groups – and more specifically, the role of conflicting collective narratives about social reality in providing an initial platform for polarization in a technologically networked world. In particular, we highlight the importance of online media in facilitating and enhancing polarization between ideologically opposed camps. As a theoretical contribution, the review provides a more functional conceptualization of polarization that can explain how polarization may occur across partisan fault lines and in domains outside of politics. We conclude with a discussion of new pathways to the study of polarization which this integrative conceptualization opens

I won't listen if I think we're losing our way:how right-wing authoritarianism affects the response to different anti-prejudice messages

Prejudice reduction messages have been shown to be effective through changing norms. Previous research suggests that Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) moderates the reaction to these messages, but it is unclear whether individuals high in RWA are more or less sensitive to prejudice-reduction campaigns. This research used the social identity approach to investigate the role of RWA in moderating the reactions to messages that look to reduce support for prejudicial policies and associated prejudice against an ethnoreligious group (Muslims). Americans (N = 388) were presented with statements on a real, proposed ban on Muslim immigration into the US from an in-group member (i.e., an American freight worker who disapproves of the Muslim ban), outgroup member (an Iraqi refugee who is in favour if the Muslim ban), or both, or control message. Those high in RWA showed consistently high levels of prejudice against Muslims in all conditions, but those low in RWA showed lower prejudice when presented with the anti-prejudice message from an in-group member (compared to control). This suggests that anti-prejudice messages primarily affect those with low RWA, clarifying that RWA likely leads to resistance to anti-prejudice messages regardless of the source. Future research aiming to reduce prejudice should examine how messages can be tailored to reduce prejudice in those with high RWA