411 research outputs found

    Minarets without Mosques: Limits to the Urban Politics of Neo-liberal Islamism

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.This paper discusses urban politics in contemporary Turkey through a particular architectural phenomenon: that of minarets without mosques. Local administrations under neo-liberal Islamists propose urban regeneration projects which require extensive demolitions in squatter areas. Yet, their reluctance to tear down minarets creates ruinscapes in which minarets seem to have miraculously survived destruction. In this regard, the minarets without mosques should be understood as symptoms of urban transformation led by neo-liberal Islamism. Neo-liberal Islamists envisage these projects as spatial forms of politics of convergence, juxtaposing slum upgrading with luxurious housing within the unifying cultural codes of Islam. It is proposed to interpret these minarets not as bearers of religious symbolism but as nodes within the urban network of everyday life referring to Lefebvre's concept of rhythmanalysis. Viewed in this way, it becomes possible for the minarets to take on new meanings and serve as signs of the displacement of the squatters

    Gazes in Dispute: Visual Representations of the Built Environment in Ankara Postcards

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.Developing the argument that representations of urban space generate visual identifications, this paper discusses the co-existence of conflicting representations of Ankara in the early republican period. Whilst the earliest photographic images were dominated by Orientalist imagery depicting the alleged backwardness of the Orient, the visual representations of Ankara produced by the nation state were charged with new ideological meanings, since the process in which the city was made into the capital of the Turkish Republic was perceived as a reflection of the nation-building process. After the 1930s, various government publications proudly published images of Ankara under construction and the city's new architecture. These images of the nation's capital introduced a frame through which the city as the symbol of the republic should be seen and identified with. What complicated this process of identification were the photographs of Ankara which were produced by local photographers and circulated in the form of real photographic postcards, so-called because they were individually printed in small numbers. These postcards were naive in subject matter and insignificant in artistic value. Yet, precisely for the same reasons, they were much more powerful than mass-produced postcards in allowing consumers to identify with the images. Although the subjects of such postcards were similar to the photographs in government publications, they presented subtle deviations in terms of the representation of the built environment. They disrupted the gaze of the state, allowing the appropriation of the image of the city. It is shown throughout the paper that these postcards opened up the possibility of an active agency in terms of choosing, sending or collecting such representations. In this regard, real photographic postcards present a significant case of resistance to the state-controlled visual representation of the capital

    Everywhere is Taksim': The Politics of Public Space from Nation-building to Neoliberal Islamism and Beyond

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.This article discusses the politics of public space through the particular example of Taksim Square in Istanbul. Tracing Taksim’s history since the early twentieth century, the article analyzes the instrumentalization of public space in nation-building, the socialization of politics within the context of postwar rapid urbanization, and the (re)politicization of public space under neoliberal Islamism. Finally it arrives at an assessment of the nation-wide antigovernment protests that centered on Taksim Square in May–June 2013. Throughout this historical examination, the politics of public space is discussed with reference to the work of Henri Lefebvre, in order to scrutinize the spatial aspects of the relation between state and society. Accordingly, the rise of democratic public space is defined as a result of the mutual interaction between two bottom-up impetuses; the immanent politics of the social (the political character of everyday life) and the socialization of the political (civil political action)

    City Profile: Ankara

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.Although Ankara has a long history, it is generally known for its twentieth century development as the designed capital of the newly-born Turkish nation-state. The early episode of the city's growth displayed a typical example of modernization with the hand of a determined nationalist government. Yet, the second half of the century, also similar to other developing parts of the world, witnessed the uncontrollable expansion of the city with the emergence of squatter areas. Providing a brief discussion of this history, the article focuses on the recent developments in Ankara's urban growth, which was marked by an original trend in urban politics. A significant combination of neoliberal development strategies and Islamist social welfare policies has emerged in the Turkish cities in the last two decades. Ankara, being the symbol of republican modernization distinguished with a radical interpretation of secularism, suffers this political tension and witnesses the social predicaments of an immense transformation shaped by urban regeneration projects

    "Early Republican Ankara": Struggle over Historical Representation and the Politics of Urban Historiography

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.This article discusses the emergence of a particular historical representation: that of "early republican Ankara." Becoming the capital of the newly born Turkish nation-state in 1923, Ankara was conceived as the symbolic locus of Turkish modernization. The old Ottoman town was rapidly transformed into a modern capital. However, "early republican Ankara" as a historiographic category is a product of the 1990s. In this period, two distinct representations of the city surfaced. One was the outcome of the incorporation of the postmodern critique of modernization into Turkish political history and was supported by the growing interest in urban studies. The other was a direct product of the nationalist call of the Turkish political establishment in the face of pressure from Kurdish nationalism and political Islam. Within this context, the notion of "early republican Ankara" emerged as a nostalgic image to promote national unity

    Critique by Design:Tackling Urban Renewal in the Design Studio

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    Cataloged from PDF version of article.The dominant mode of urbanization in our contemporary world is marked by large scale urban renewal projects, which are deployed with little or no consideration given to the social predicaments. The urban design studio can serve as a domain in which critical reflections on urban issues can be incorporated into design works. In this article, we propose a methodology of 'critique by design', which does not seek to arrive at scientific knowledge but rather involves the development of urban design proposals critically engaging with the urban issues they address through conceptual approaches. We discuss our methodology through the case of an experimental studio work conducted in Ankara, Turkey at Bilkent University, Department of Urban Design and Landscape Architecture in 2011

    The shape of the nation: Visual production of nationalism through maps in Turkey

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    Nationalism, as a political discourse requiring a fundamental connection to a particular territory has constantly referred to maps as evidence of the eternal existence of the respective nation. In the case of modern Turkey, the national map has been a symptomatic signifier of a constant anxiety of territorial loss. Built around such anxiety, Turkish nationalism has been sensitive towards the borders defining national territory. This article analyzes the use of national maps as instruments for the cultural production of nationalism in Turkey throughout the last three decades. In the process, it is intended to differentiate between official maps produced under state authority and popular maps circulated in mass media. Throughout the 1980s, national maps included in school textbooks presented a country surrounded by hostile neighbors on all sides, in tune with the political climate of the Cold War. A crucial aspect of these official maps was the cartographic awareness they generated which, in the following decade, would become operational in the widespread use of the map as a nationalist sign. With the emergence of the Kurdish question in the 1990s, the national map became a key instrument in promoting nationalist sentiments with the invention of the flag-map logo as a favorite symbol. After the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Kurdish issue was projected on to Northern Iraq, and a new mode of cartographic representation was invented. "Appropriated maps" produced through the digital retouching of random maps found on the Internet visualized irredentist desires enlarging the country's territory especially into Northern Iraq and invoking the Ottoman past. These maps, which consciously distorted geographical information, turned to historical references to sustain their cartographic validity. © 2010 Elsevier Ltd

    Architectural mimicry and the politics of mosque building: negotiating Islam and Nation in Turkey

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    This paper discusses the politics of mosque architecture in modern Turkey. The classical Ottoman mosque image has been reproduced in state-sponsored mosques throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Defining this particular design strategy as architectural mimicry, I discuss the emergence of this image through the negotiation between the nation-state and the ‘nationalist conservative’ discourse within the context of Cold War geopolitics. Comparing the Turkish case with the Islamic post-colonial world, I argue that the prevalence of architectural mimicry is related to the nostalgia it generates. Nostalgia is a discursive effect of architectural mimicry which is in tune with the nationalist conservative worldview in its relationship to the state's anti-communism. This particular image was taken up by the Islamist AKP in the 2000s, within the context of the global rise of political Islam. In this instance, the same representation took on a different meaning. It functioned as a simulacrum representing the ‘nation in Islam’ with a claim to authenticity amongst the competing Islamic representations. © 2016 RIBA Enterprises

    Uptake, Translocation, and Stability of Oxytetracycline and Streptomycin in Citrus Plants

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    Huanglongbing (HLB), or citrus greening, is the most destructive disease to the citrus industry. In Florida, it is caused by the bacterium, Candidatus Liberibacter asiaticus (CLas) and is transmitted by the Asian citrus psyllid, Diaphorina citri. Recent studies suggested that antibiotics could inhibit the growth of the CLas pathogen in planta. In the current study, we investigated the uptake and translocation of oxytetracycline and streptomycin in citrus seedlings. Oxytetracycline and streptomycin were delivered via root and stem and their level in various tissues was monitored using enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA). Oxytetracycline and streptomycin were detected in the leaves, xylem, phloem, and root after root drench and stem delivery. High levels of antibiotics were detected in the roots after root drench, whereas high levels of antibiotics were detected in the canopy after stem delivery. The level of oxytetracycline detected in the phloem, xylem, and leaves after root drench was higher than that of streptomycin. Whereas the level of streptomycin in root was higher than that of oxytetracycline, indicating that streptomycin was bound to the xylem tissues. Oxytetracycline and streptomycin were detected in the phloem, xylem, leaves, and root tissues thirty-five days after the root incubation in 200 μg.ml-1 solution. These results demonstrated that oxytetracycline and streptomycin were relatively stable and could inhibit CLas growth for a couple of months in citrus trees. Observations reported in this study regarding the distribution and stability of oxytetracycline and streptomycin in citrus plants could be useful for designing an effective program for the control of HLB disease using antibiotics.Funding: National Institute of Food and Agriculture: 2019-70016-29096 Acknowledgments: We thank our lab members for the helpful discussion and technical assistance. This work was generously funded by a grant # 2019-70016-29096 from NIFA-SCRI for OB and NK. Conflicts of Interest: Page: 10 The authors declare no conflict of interes
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