Evropska identiteta skozi prakse številčenja: Oblikovanje EU državljanstva in evropske migracijske politike

The paper analyzes the function and the role of enumerative practices within European migration policy and practices of managing and regulating borders and (illegal) immigration. By employing enumerative practices, illegal immigrants are constructed and represented as a threat to the European Union and as such empower and legitimize European authorities and contentious mechanisms of controlling and regulating migrations. The paper also shows that enumerative practices are paramount in the process of creating a common European identity because of their role in the formation and articulation of the idea of EU citizenship as a particular value of belonging to the European community.Prispevek analizira vlogo in namen praks številčenja v evropskih migracijskih politikah in praksah nadzora ter regulacij meja in (nelegalnih) migracij. S številčenjem so nelegalni migranti konstruirani in predstavljenikot nevarnost in grožnja Evropski uniji in kot taki omogočajo ter legitimirajo evropske mehanizme nadzora in regulacij migracij. Prispevek pokaže, da so prakse številčenja pomembne v procesih nastajanja skupne evropske identitete, saj imajo pomembno vlogo pri oblikovanju in artikulaciji ideje EU-državljanstva kot specifične vrednote pripadanja evropski skupnosti

Pojavnost in delovanje policije na protestih kot neoliberalne tehnologije sebstva

Antikapitalistični/antiglobalizacijski protesti so v splošni percepciji dojeti kot dogodki, na katerih udeleženci smejo bolj ali manj svobodno izraziti nasprotovanje trenutni prevladujoči ekonomski in družbenopolitični ureditvi, vendar so hkrati ti protesti nemudoma označeni kot mesto sprostitve nasilnega in zato neprimernega, celo nevarnega načina obnašanja. Skozi to dvojnost, ki je tudi izhodišče prispevka, analiziramo, ali tovrstni protesti kot domnevno subverzivni dogodki lahko predstavljajo neko novo demokratično paradigmo, ki bi pomenila prelom s trenutnim prevladujočim globalnim sožitjem med kapitalizmom in liberalno demokracijo. Osrednje vprašanje premišljamo skozi interpretacijo pojavnosti in delovanja policije na protestih, pri čemer je ključno vodilo Foucaultov koncept Gouvernementalité. Policijo v funkciji delovanja na protestih razumemo kot način in strategijo konstituiranja specifičnih oblik subjektivitet, tehnologij sebstva, prek katerih (se) na ravni širše populacije vzpostavlja podjetni posameznik. Pojavnost in prakse policije so v tem smislu inherentne neoliberalizaciji družbenih prostorov in odnosov.The most common view sees anti-capitalist/anti-globalisation protests as events at which protestors may on one hand more or less freely express their dissatisfaction with the current prevailing economic and socio-political system but which are, on the other hand, designated as sites of the violent and therefore inappropriate, even dangerous behaviour of participants. Through this double-bind, also being the starting point of the paper, we analyse whether such protests, as allegedly subversive events, can present some kind of a new democratic paradigm with the potential to break with the currently prevailing global coexistence of capitalism and liberal democracy. The central analytical question is analysed using Foucault\u27s Gouvernementalité concept, through the interpretation of protest policing. We understand the latter as a strategy of constituting specific modes of subjectivities through which the entrepreneurial individual is shaped. The appearance and conduct of the police at protests are in this sense inherent to the neoliberalisation of social spaces and relations

Education on politics in times of permanent uncertainty: political science’s reflection

Članek obravnava izobraževanje o politiki v raznoterih pojavnih oblikah v kontekstu (neo)liberalnega družbeno-političnega reda, ki mu je inherentna produkcija depolitizacije in negotovosti. Prikaže, kako so prevladujoče sistematizacije in prakse izobraževanja (tudi političnega), pa tudi politološke intervencije na področje (političnega) izobraževanja ujete v neprestano odpravljanje negotovosti in iskanje rešitev, pri čemer so servilne tržni racionalnosti in liberalni predstavniški demokraciji. Članek predvsem na podlagi Rancièrjevega in deloma Mouffinega motrenja politike in političnosti ponudi perspektivo, ki kritično naslavlja te formacije in procese, na tej osnovi pa konceptualizira politično izobraževanje, ki ne izganja, temveč, obratno, vzame negotovost in družbeno enakost za svoje izhodišče. S tem ponudi alternativno formo političnega izobraževanja kot vedno-že negotovo prakso, ki izhaja iz (v rancièrjevskem smislu) radikalne enakosti in predstavlja disrupcijo obstoječemu konsenzualnemu (neo) liberalnemu reduThe article addresses political education in its various forms in the context of the (neo)liberal socio-political order in which the emergence of depoliticisation and uncertainty is inherent. It shows how the prevailing systematisations and practices of education (including political ones) as well as political science interventions in the field of (political) education are caught in continuous attempts to eliminate uncertainty and the search for solutions entrapped within market rationalities and a liberal representative democracy. Based on Rancière’s and partly Mouffe’s observation of politics and the political, the article offers a perspective that critically addresses these formations and processes and on this basis conceptualises political education that does not exclude but, on the contrary, takes uncertainty and social equality as a starting point. In this way, it offers an alternative form of political education as an always-already uncertain practice that stems from (in a Rancièrian sense) radical equality and acts as a disruption to the existing consensual (neo)liberal orde

"Unity in diversity": multiculturalism as governmental technology and the constitution of a European multicultural self

Multikulturalizem v Evropski uniji definira teren urejanja kulturne raznolikosti, pri čemer je ideja enotnosti v različnosti ena izmed ključnih,ki zagotavlja utemeljitev procesov konstrukcije Evropske unije. Prispevek želi pokazati, da je multikulturalizem specifična oblastna tehnologija, ki sicer odpira politični prostor drugačnosti in dopušča izražanje identitet različnim kolektivnim subjektivitetam, vendar je prav to fabriciranje svobode ključen način vladanja v okviru sodobnih oblastnih mehanizmov, saj predstavlja pogoj možnosti instituiranja novih izključevanj. Evropsko populacijo se konstruira na način določanja tistih skupin ter posameznikov, ki naj bi bili nevarni evropski populaciji, obenem pa se evropski multikulturni posamezniki dojemajo kot tolerantni in fleksibilni. Ker je enotnost evropskega prostora primarno mišljena kot gospodarska odprtost,so posamezniki v tem prostoru konstituirani kot mobilna in sposobna delovna sila, pripravljeni prilagajati se spremembam v globalnem gospodarstvu.Multiculturalism in the European Union defines the framework for the regulation of cultural diversity, and in this the idea of "unity in diversity" is one of the key elements, since it provides a rationale for the process of constructing the European Union. The paper aims to show that multiculturalism is a specific governmental technology that opens up political space and allows the expression of diversity by different collective subjectivities. But this formation of the freedom of collective subjectivities is a kind of control within modern governmental mechanisms, and provides the conditions for potential new exclusions. European populations are determined by identifying those groups and individuals that are "dangerous" to the inhabitants of Europe, while European multicultural individuals are perceived to be tolerant and flexible. Since the European space is predominantly understood as an open economy, individuals in this space are constructed as a mobile and capable workforce ready to adapt to changes in a global economy