Navigating The Gulf : China’s balancing strategy

Due to China’s growing energy needs that stem from its unrelenting economic development, Beijing stresses the importance of maintaining a continuous supply of energy - particularly oil - to maintain its impressive economic growth. However, seeing as China’s domestic resources are unable to satisfy its projected future oil demands, the Chinese realise that, barring significant domestic oil discoveries, their dependency on oil imports - particularly from the Middle East - will continue to increase. Of particular importance to the Chinese is the Persian Gulf as it contains a large share of the world’s proven oil reserves. China has thus sought to improve relations with Persian Gulf nations such as Iran. However, Iran’s pursuit to obtain nuclear capabilities has implicated China in Iranian-American tensions. Although China has sought to steer clear of becoming embroiled in the Iranian nuclear situation due to its improved standing in the Gulf, Beijing has unavoidably become a significant actor in the diplomatic brinkmanship regarding Iran’s nuclear situation. By means of a literature review, this paper posits that China’s response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions essentially mirrors its overall diplomatic strategy towards the Middle East; a strategy of pragmatically balancing its own relationship with the US whilst simultaneously advancing profitable geo-economic relations with oil rich Gulf nations

Will Iranian oil still fuel China? An analysis of Beijing's stance on international sanctions against Iran

Includes abstract.Due to China's growing energy needs that stem from its unrelenting drive for economic development, Beijing stresses the importance of maintaining a continuous supply of energy, particularly oil, to maintain its impressive economic growth. However, seeing as China's domestic resources are unable to satisfy its projected future oil demands, the Chinese realise that, barring significant domestic oil discoveries, their dependency on oil imports, particularly from the Middle East, will continue to increase. Since the international oil scene is dominated by Western energy companies, China's fuel procurement strategy reflects a mercantilist approach to improving its position vis-a-vis established energy consuming nations. Beijing's mercantilist stance in securing energy resources is particularly demonstrated in its oil diplomacy, which makes use of various political and economic incentives that can only be employed by the state. China's energy-centric form of diplomacy has been inevitably extended to the globe's most hydrocarbon affluent regions. Of significant importance to the Chinese is the Middle East, particularly the Persian Gulf as it contains a large stake of the world's proven oil reserves. China has thus sought to improve its relations with Persian Gulf nations such as Iran. However, Iran's relentless pursuit to obtain nuclear capabilities has implicated China in Iranian-American tensions. Although China has sought to steer clear of becoming embroiled in the Iranian nuclear situation due to its improved standing in the Gulf, Beijing has unavoidably become a significant actor in the diplomatic brinkmanship over Iran's nuclear situation. The scenario surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions essentially pits China's national interests of energy security against its desire to maintain favourable relations with the United States. In light of this, the following thesis - "by means of a literature survey" attempts to address how Beijing manages to maintain Iranian oil imports and uphold stable relations with Washington in the face of American-led international sanctions against Iran

Canada-Africa Relations in Changing Core-Periphery Dynamics: A Chance to "Come Back" Differently

The Department of Foreign Affairs Canada sees the dynamism at play across the African continent as calling out for Canadian engagement. Africa in the twenty-first century is no longer the continent emerging from colonial rule; it seeks new forms of relationships with international partners. The African Development Bank, for instance, has identified five priorities for inclusive growth on the continent. The challenges are huge, as is the potential for transformative change. But the conditions for international collaboration in achieving these goals have changed; African leaders are seeking new forms of associations and teamwork. Canada has an opportunity to "come back" differently if it can look beyond its narrow mining interests and become an active partner working with public authorities in need of new and bold international partnerships. Unfortunately, Trudeau's "Canada is back" campaign does not look set to change the status quo. And, in a world where the political economic power is moving east, African countries do not have much reason to listen to Canada

Don’t blame China for the rise of digital authoritarianism in Africa

The Chinese state is the poster child of using digital tools for domestic surveillance and censorship. But China is not the only country exporting digital technologies that can be used for authoritarian modes of governance. Reliant on importing new technologies, Africa risks becoming a passive consumer between rival Chinese and Western tech giants, each exporting their own brand of surveillance capitalism