Wage Dispersion in a Partially Unionized Labor Force

Taking as our point of departure a model proposed by David Card (2001), we suggest new methods for analyzing wage dispersion in a partially unionized labor market. Card's method disaggregates the labor population into skill categories, which procedure entails some loss of information. Accordingly, we develop a model in which each worker individually is assigned a union-membership probability and predicted union and nonunion wages. The model yields a natural three-way decomposition of variance. The decomposition permits counterfactual analysis, using concepts and techniques from the theory of factorial experimental design. We examine causes of the increase in U.K. wage dispersion between 1983 and 1995. Of the factors initially considered, the most influential was a change in the structure of remuneration inside both the union and nonunion sectors. Next in importance was the decrease in union membership. Finally, exogenous changes in labor force characteristics had, for most groups considered, only a small negative effect. We supplement this preliminary three-factorial analysis with a five-factorial analysis that allows us to examine effects from the wage-equation parameters in greater detail.wage dispersion, three-way variance decomposition, bivariate kernel density smoothing, union membership, deunionization, factorial experimental design

Wage Dispersion in a Partially Unionized Labor Force

Wage Dispersion in a Partially Unionized Labor Force This paper critiques Card’s (2001) method for analyzing wage dispersion in a partially unionized labor market based on a disaggregation of the population into skill categories. We argue that disaggregation is a good idea, the use of skill categories less so. We offer a modified model in which each worker is assigned a union-membership probability, a predicted union wage, and a predicted nonunion wage. Our model provides a natural three-way decomposition of variance, and is also suited to counterfactual analysis. By way of an application, we examine the effect of de-unionization on wage dispersion in the United Kingdom between 1983 and 1995, reporting that the decline in membership accounts for only about one-fifth of the observed increase in wage dispersion.wage dispersion, three-way variance decomposition, bivariate kernel density smoothing, union membership, deunionization.

Preventing Domestic Abuse for Children and Young People (PEACH): A Mixed Knowledge Scoping Review

Background: A range of interventions that aim to prevent domestic abuse has been developed for children and young people in the general population. While these have been widely implemented, few have been rigorously evaluated. This study aimed to discover what was known about these interventions for children and what worked for whom in which settings. Review methods: This mixed knowledge review was informed by realist principles and comprised four overlapping phases: an online mapping survey to identify current provision; a systematic review of the existing literature; a review of the UK ‘grey’ literature; and consultation with young people and experts. Information from these four sources of evidence informed analysis of costs and benefits. Results: The evidence for interventions achieving changes in knowledge and attitudes was stronger than that for behavioural change. Shifting social norms in the peer group emerged as a key mechanism of change. Media campaigns act to influence the wider social climate within which more targeted interventions are received, and they are also a source for programme materials. While most interventions are delivered in secondary schools, they are increasingly targeted at younger children. The review emphasised the importance of a school’s ‘readiness’ to introduce preventative interventions which need to be supported across all aspects of school life. Involving young people in the design and delivery of programmes increases authenticity and this emerged as a key ingredient in achieving impact. Longer interventions delivered by appropriately trained staff appeared likely to be more effective. Teachers emerged as well placed to embed interventions in schools but they require training and support from those with specialist knowledge in domestic abuse. There was evidence that small groups of students who were at higher risk might have accounted for some results regarding effectiveness and that programme effectiveness may vary for certain subgroups. Increasingly, boys are being identified as a target for change. The study identified a need for interventions for disabled children and children and young people from black, Asian, minority ethnic and refugee groups and a particular lack of materials designed for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender young people. Limitations: Very little evidence was identified on costs and cost-effectiveness. Few studies showed an effect at the level of significance set for the review. Where it did exist, the effect size was small, except in respect of improved knowledge. The inability to calculate a response rate for the mapping survey, which used a snowballing approach, limits the ability to generalise from it. Conclusions: While it is appropriate to continue to deliver interventions to whole populations of children and young people, effectiveness appeared to be influenced by high-risk children and young people, who should be directed to additional support. Programmes also need to make provision to manage any resulting disclosures. Interventions appear to be context specific, and so those already being widely delivered in the UK and which are likely to be acceptable should be robustly tested. Funding: The National Institute for Health Research Public Health Research programme

The Symmetrical Nature of Bilateral Asymmetry (δ) of Deciduous and Permanent Teeth

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/67155/2/10.1177_00220345770560112601.pd

Multiracial versus Collective Black Categories

Current census debates in Brazil surrounding Brazilian race categories center on two contrasting proposals: the adoption of the multiracial moreno term vs. the use of the collective black classification negro. Those proposing the former base their argument on the right to self-classify according to one’s own sense of identity. Proponents of the negro category contend that it would be most efficient for redressing racial discrimination. We examine the meaning and saliency of these categories and explore the possible consequences of their adoption. Using national survey data, we demonstrate how education, age, color, sex and local racial composition structure the choices of moreno and negro over official census terms. Findings include a negative correlation between education and the choice of moreno, while the opposite is true for negro. In addition, an age effect on both categories suggests a popular shift in racial labeling away from official census terms. We note that similar issues structure current census debates in the USA

Shifting racial dubjectivities and Ideologies in Brazil

Census ethnoracial categories often reflect national ideologies and attendant subjectivities. Nonetheless, Brazilians frequently prefer the non-census terms moreno (brown) and negro (black), and both are core to antithetical ideologies: racial ambiguity versus racial affirmation. Their use may be in flux as Brazil recently adopted unprecedented race-targeted public policy. We examine propensities to self-classify as moreno and negro before and after the policy shift. Using regression modeling on national survey data from 1995 and 2008 that captured self-classification in open and closed formats, we find moreno is highly salient but increasingly constricted, while negro is restricted in use, though increasingly popular. Negro’s growth is mostly confined to the darker pole of Brazil’s color continuum. Education correlates in opposing directions: negative with moreno and positive with negro. Our findings proxy broad ideological shift from racial ambiguity to negro racial affirmation. They suggest race-targeted policy is transforming racial subjectivities and ideologies in Brazil

Dinâmicas raciais no Brasil contemporâneo: uma revisão empírica

As dinâmicas raciais no Brasil estão mudando. Antes considerado um país em que o danoso legado do comércio de escravos não era admitido, hoje esse gigante da América Latina começou a reconhecer oficialmente a discriminação étnico-racial, tanto como fenômeno histórico, quanto como questão contemporânea. Parte desse processo envolve um afastamento da celebração da ambiguidade racial e a adoção de status raciais bem delimitados: o termo relativo à miscigenação “moreno” cede lugar, em muitas esferas, ao termo afirmativo “negro”, que passa a ocupar lugar central. Mais significativo ainda é o fato de atores estatais terem implementado cotas raciais no país inteiro, cuja importância maior se dê, talvez, na educação superior. O motor por trás dessas dinâmicas em transformação parece ser a conjunção de atores estatais e dos movimentos negros para estabelecer uma estratégia de mudança legal. É importante observar que pesquisas de opinião pública sugerem que a maioria dos brasileiros apoiam os elementos centrais das novas políticas raciais do Estado. Na segunda metade do século XX, os trabalhos acadêmicos associavam o Brasil a uma falta de consciência racial; já nas primeiras décadas do século XXI essa associação é indefensável.Racial dynamics in Brazil are shifting. Once considered a context in which the pernicious legacy of the African slave trade had no comfortable home, today this giant of Latin America has begun to officially recognize both historical and contemporary ethnoracial discrimination. Part of this process involves a move away from celebrating racial ambiguity to embracing discrete racial statuses: the mixed-race term moreno has fallen out of favor in many spheres, and the racially affirmative term negro occupies center stage. Most significantly, state actors have implemented racial quotas across the country, perhaps most importantly in higher education. The motor behind these shifting dynamics appears to be the coming together of state and negro movement actors for strategizing a de jure turn. Importantly, public opinion research suggests that the majority of Brazilians support key elements of the State’s new racial politics. In the later part of the 20th-century, scholarship associated Brazil with a lack of racial consciousness; in the first decades of the 21st century, that association is untenable

Interrogating race: color, racial categories, and class across the Americas

We address long-standing debates on the utility of racial categories and color scales for understanding inequality in the United States and Latin America, using novel data that enable comparisons of these measures across both broad regions. In particular, we attend to the degree to which color and racial category inequality operate independently of parental socioeconomic status. We find a variety of patterns of racial category and color inequality, but that in most countries accounting for maternal education changes our coefficients by 5% or less. Overall, we argue that several posited divergences in ethnoracial stratification processes in the United States, compared with Latin America, might be overstated. We conclude that the comparison of the effects of multiple ethnoracial markers, such as color and racial categories, for the analysis of social stratification holds substantial promise for untangling the complexities of “race” across the Americas

Correction for Foreshortening in Optical Odontometry

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/68279/2/10.1177_00220345790580011801.pd