Combating Global Climate Change: Why a Carbon Tax is a Better Response to Global Warming than Cap and Trade

Global climate change is the most significant environmental issue facing our nation and the world. There no longer is any question that global warming is occurring. Nor is there any serious debate about whether human activity is the root cause. If we fail to make significant reductions in greenhouse gas emissions over the next ten to twenty years, we face the possibility of catastrophic environmental harm by the end of this century.http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/107456/1/28StanEnvtlLJ3.pd

Constitutional Review of Federal Tax Legislation

What does the Constitution mean when it says that “The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States” (US Const. Article I, Section 8, Clause 1)? The definition of “tax” for constitutional purposes has become important in light of the Supreme Court’s 2012 decision in NFIB v. Sebelius, in which Chief Justice Roberts for the Court upheld the constitutionality of the individual mandate of the Affordable Care Act under the taxing power. This has led to commentators questioning the utility of Roberts’ distinction between a “tax” (where Congress’ power is almost unlimited) and a “regulation” (where Congress’ power under the Commerce Cause is limited). We should make a very clear note at the outset: Tax law is a too broad term. It includes both provisions intended at raising revenue and provisions intended to regulate behavior. Personal income tax (PIT), corporate income tax (CIT) and even value added tax (VAT) laws include both type of provisions. Using the distinction that Prof. Stanley Surrey has proposed about 60 years ago, tax legislation includes both types of provisions; those that aimed at raising revenue in accordance with the tax base, and regulatory provisions as well ( tax expenditures ). In other words, almost any tax legislation includes both aspects. Hence referring to PIT means its base, and not necessarily all its code provisions. The purpose of this article is to draw this distinction and to use it for basic guidelines for constitutional judicial review over tax legislation. We would propose a different distinction. A “tax” for purposes of the Taxing Clause is a pure tax, namely a tax implemented “to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States”, i.e., a tax intended primarily to raise revenues in order to finance the elected government’s policy and its implementation. In addition, a progressive “income tax” for purposes of the Sixteenth Amendment is a tax intended for redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. We do not address redistributive tax provisions (like the progressivity feature of PIT or a wealth tax) further, beyond noting that they are inherently political and therefore their distributive function (reducing inequality) should not be subject to judicial review. Even a pure tax has constitutional limits, but they are relatively few. It should be emphasized though, that the traditional basses for constitutional judicial review - such as discrimination on the basis of gender, race, or sexual orientation, are applied to tax legislation in a very limited way. As noted already, one could detect the Supreme Court’s significant reluctance to review tax legislation in the US on constitutional grounds, although one could also argue that a tax provision that has disparate impact on racial or gender grounds (or other protected category) should be evaluated using struct scrutiny (as some provisions involving gender have in fact been evaluated by lower courts). This should be distinguished from a regulatory tax legislation, i.e., tax legislation whose main purpose is not to raise revenue but to change taxpayer behavior. Regulatory taxes include Pigouvian taxes (e.g., tobacco taxes and carbon taxes) designed to reduce negative externalities and tax expenditures (deviations from a normative tax base, which we name negative Pigouvian taxes, since their purpose is to treat favorably taxpayers who create positive externalities). Regulatory Tax legislation should be subject to constitutional review under various clauses of the Constitution including the Due Process Clause, the Equal Protection Clause, the Establishment Clause, and the limits on the Commerce Clause. The penalty imposed by the individual mandate of the ACA, which was repealed in 2017, was a regulatory tax (i.e., not a pure tax) and therefore (contrary to Chief Justice Roberts’ view) subject to the limits on Congressional power under the Commerce Clause (although in our opinion the individual mandate should have been upheld as consistent with these limits, per Justice Ginsburg’s dissenting opinion). Any actual tax rule/legislation has more than one purpose. All tax rules influence behavior, and therefore come within our definition of regulatory taxes, and all taxes produce some revenue, and therefore come within our definition of pure taxes. But some taxes are primarily regulatory (e.g., Pigouvian taxes aimed to deal with negative externalities) and tax expenditures (deviation from a normative tax base which we name them Negative piguvian taxes since their purpose is to treat favorably taxpayers who create positive externalities) while others are primarily for revenue (e.g., VAT) . Other taxes have multiple purposes (e.g., corporate income tax, CIT, which has revenue and (as well as regulatory aims). Moreover, any given tax may have multiple provisions with different aims (e.g., the many tax expenditures embedded within PIT and CIT). When evaluating the constitutionality of any given tax provision, a court should first classify it as either a pure tax provision or a regulatory tax provision. If it is the former, the court should generally hold that it is constitutional under the Taxing Clause. If it is the latter, the court should evaluate it against the limits imposed by the rest of the Constitution

Constitutional Review of Federal Tax Legislation

What does the Constitution mean when it says that “The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States” (U.S. Const. Article I, Section 8, Clause 1)? The definition of “tax” for constitutional purposes has become important considering the Supreme Court’s 2012 decision in National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius (“NFIB”), in which Chief Justice Roberts for the Court upheld the constitutionality of the individual mandate of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (“ACA”) under the taxing power. This holding has resulted in commentators questioning the utility of Roberts’s distinction between a “tax,” where Congress’s power is nearly unlimited, and a “regulation,” where Congress’s power under the Commerce Clause is limited. We would propose a different distinction. A “tax” for purposes of the Taxing Clause is a pure tax: a tax implemented “to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.” Accordingly, a pure tax is intended primarily for raising revenue to finance the elected government’s policy and its implementation. Even a pure tax has constitutional limits; however, they are relatively few. The traditional bases for constitutional judicial review, such as discrimination based on gender, race, or sexual orientation, are applied to tax legislation in a very limited way. The Supreme Court has shown significant reluctance to review tax legislation in the U.S. on constitutional grounds. Nevertheless, one could argue that a tax provision that has a disparate impact on race, gender, or another protected category should be evaluated using strict scrutiny, as some provisions involving gender have been by lower courts. Other provisions should be reviewed on a rational basis ground, although we believe some of them should be struck down even on that basis. Pure taxes should be distinguished from regulatory taxes whose main purpose is not to raise revenue but are intended—in accordance with the rules of the free market—to impose the right economic price on those who financially benefit from the damages they cause to the whole community. Regulatory taxes include Pigouvian taxes, such as tobacco taxes and carbon taxes, which are designed to reduce negative externalities, and tax expenditures, which are negative Pigouvian taxes. They are designed to recognize the positive externalities that a particular behavior of a taxpayer that benefits the whole community. Therefore, all members of the community must compensate the taxpayer who created the positive externalities by paying the economic cost of the received benefit—through taxes higher than the taxes paid by the person who created the externalities. Regulatory tax legislation should be subject to constitutional review under various clauses of the Constitution, including the Due Process Clause, the Equal Protection Clause, the Establishment Clause, and the limits of the Commerce Clause. As discussed below, the “penalty” imposed by the individual mandate of the ACA, which was repealed in 2017, was a regulatory tax, not a pure tax, and therefore was subject to the limits on congressional power under the Commerce Clause, contrary to Chief Justice Roberts’s view. In our opinion, the individual mandate should have been upheld as consistent with these limits, per Justice Ginsburg’s dissenting opinion

Panama and the WTO : new constitutionalism of trade policy and global tax governance

"Corrigendum" in Review of International Political Economy, 24(4), p. 738 (DOI: 10.1080/09692290.2017.1332547).Tax havens and tax flight have lately received increasing attention, while interest toward multilateral trade policies has somewhat diminished. We argue that more attention needs to be paid exactly to the interrelations between trade and tax policies. Drawing from two case studies on Panama's trade disputes, we show how World Trade Organization (WTO) rules can be used both to resist attempts to sanction secrecy structures and to promote measures against tax flight. The theory of new constitutionalism can help to explain how trade treaties can 'lock in' tax policies. However, our case studies show that trade policy not only 'locks in' democratic policy-making, but also enables tax havens to use their commercialized sovereignty to resists anti-secrecy measures. What is being 'locked in' are the policy tools, not necessarily the policies. The changing relationship between trade and tax policies can also create new and unexpected tools for tackling tax evasion, underlining the importance of epistemic arbitrage in the context of new constitutionalism. In principle, political actors with sufficient technical and juridical knowledge can shape global tax governance to various directions regardless of their formal position in the world political hierarchies. This should be taken into account when trade treaties are being negotiated or revised.Peer reviewe