FAMILY REUNIFICATION OF NON-EU NATIONALS IN IRELAND. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 62 MAY 2017

Joining family is among the myriad reasons for migration, accounting for 30 per cent of all permanent migration into OECD countries in 2015 (OECD 2016). The right to family, or family unity, is a principle enshrined in international, European and domestic law. Family reunification promotes the integration of migrants already in the host country (INIS, 2016a; UNHCR, 2013). The EU Directive on the right to family reunification states that it helps to create socio-cultural stability, facilitating integration and promoting economic and social cohesion. Family reunification is also central to the protection mandate of UNHCR as it is fundamental to ensuring the protection and wellbeing of the individual family members and the integration of refugees (UNHCR, 2001). Family reunification is often a feature of national immigration systems used to attract highly skilled migrants. For example, research identifies the absence of clearly defined family reunification as a possible barrier to attracting non-EEA1 nationals to Ireland (Quinn and Gusciute, 2013). The purpose of this study is to analyse family reunification policy, law and practice in Ireland, considering recent changes in law and guidance. The study focuses on rules governing family reunification for non-EEA citizens. Some comparisons are drawn between the EU context and the Irish context where relevant

ILLEGAL EMPLOYMENT OF NON-EU NATIONALS IN IRELAND. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 64 JULY 2017

Illegal employment of non-EU nationals can be defined in two ways, in reference to two different typologies: those who are legally resident working outside the conditions of their residence permit and/or without an Employment Permit, and those who are irregularly resident.1 Illegal employment is defined in this study to mean ‘economic activity carried out in violation of provisions set by legislation’ (European Migration Network, 2014). Illegal employment is hidden by nature, meaning estimating the scale both in Ireland and within the EU is challenging. According to research by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2015) high risk sectors tend to be characterised by low wages, long hours and a relatively high turnover in staff. Owing to its hidden nature, illegal employment often impacts upon workers’ fundamental rights. Combatting illegal employment is therefore both a social policy and fundamental rights objective, as employees’ rights are often violated (European Migration Network, 2017). This is the first comprehensive study on illegal employment concerning both regularly and irregularly staying non-EU nationals in Ireland, which outlines in detail policy and practice with input from a variety of stakeholders. Its purpose is to provide an evidence base for national and EU policymakers, researchers, practitioners working with non-EEA nationals as well as the general public. The study focusses on policy, law and practice in relation to: prevention measures and incentives for compliance, direct policy initiatives, inspections, sanctions and outcomes for people found to be working illegally

BENEFICIARIES OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION TRAVELLING TO THEIR COUNTRY OF ORIGIN: CHALLENGES, POLICIES AND PRACTICES IN IRELAND. ESRI SURVEY AND STATISTICAL REPORT SERIES, February 2019

This report collates information on policies and procedures governing cessation and revocation of refugee and subsidiary protection in instances where beneficiaries travel to the country of origin or contact national authorities of the country of origin in Ireland. This report is based on information gathered according to commonly agreed EMN study specifications in preparing the Irish contribution to an EU-wide EMN study on Beneficiaries of international protection travelling to their country of origin: Challenges, Policies and Practices in the EU Member States, Norway and Switzerland. As with all EMN studies, a similar report was produced by the other EMN National Contact Points, and an EU-wide synthesis report will be compiled

Spatial and Temporal Development of Saltation in Air.

PhDA resurgence of interest in the concept of equilibrium in the aeolian saltation system has been witnessed in the 1990's. Throughout the aeolian field of research, i. e. wind tunnel, field and numerical models, many highly successful individual investigations have been conducted. Despite these data, however, the timing and location of the mass flux equilibrium have not been quantified. This research investigates the simultaneous downwind spatial and temporal developments of the aeolian saltation system. Experiments were conducted in the laboratory and the field. By unification of the spatial and temporal dimensions in both environments one of the major limitations of contemporary aeolian science, the inability to relate data from different experimental environments, is addressed. In the wind tunnel the development of the saltation system was measured over a streamwise length of 8m. Sediment transport was measured at 1m intervals by the downwind deployment of seven Aarhus sand traps. In the field the development of the saltation system was monitored over distances of 10m and 20m. Mass flux was measured by the downwind deployment of five 'total load' sand traps. In both environments temporal wind velocity and mass flux data were collected simultaneously at a single site. Spatial profile velocity data were later obtained by a streamwise traverse along the experimental area. The downwind spatial development of the saltation system, from a point of initiation, in the laboratory and the field is manifest by an overshoot in mass flux and shear velocity. It is shown that in both environments mass flux increases with distance to a maximum at 4m downwind. This result is in remarkable agreement with existing data of a comparable scale. In the wind tunnel and the field experiments it V' is found that shear velocity overshoots between 2-4m downwind of the overshoot in mass flux. The distance between the overshoot in mass flux and the overshoot in shear velocity is termed the 'separation distance'. The existence of a 'separation distance' between the overshoots of mass flux and shear velocity questions the appropriateness of traditional mass flux formulae. It is found that conventional mass flux relationships with shear velocity, generated from data collected simultaneously at the same site, have the lowest predictive capability. The greatest confidence in the ability of shear velocity to predict the rate of mass flux is shown to occur when shear velocity data are collected downwind of mass flux data. The critical distance between the data collection points is demonstrated to be defined by the 'separation distance'. The downwind spatial development of the saltation system without a point of initiation in the laboratory and the field is influenced by sand entering from upwind. The existence of high energy bombardment by saltation processes throughout the experimental area is shown to produce an accelerated development of the saltation system. It is found that the precise downwind development of mass flux and shear velocity are dependent on the exact rate of sand entering from upwind. The temporal development of the saltation system is controlled essentially by the availability of transportable grains from the sand bed. In both the wind tunnel and the field experiments it is demonstrated that the saltation system develops through time from a transport-limited to a supply-limited system. The depletion of the sand bed through time limits the existence of the state of equilibrium. The equilibrium concept is thus shown to be inappropriate for the universal prediction of mass flux

POLICY AND PRACTICE TARGETING THE LABOUR MARKET INTEGRATION OF NON-EU NATIONALS IN IRELAND. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 89 JUNE 2019

Increases in immigration inflows to both the European Union (EU) and Ireland between 2014 and 2016, due in part to the ‘refugee and migrant crisis’, have resulted in an increased focus on integration policies, outcomes and measures, including in the area of labour market integration. Employment is crucial for the integration of migrants into the economic and social life of their host country, so labour market integration is a very important part of integration policy (European Commission, 2016). In recent years, many Member States have updated existing labour market integration policies or have developed new ones. Ireland, like the majority of EU Member States (EMN, 2019), pursues a policy of mainstreaming service provision in the area of integration, with targeted initiatives to meet specific needs. This study first considers labour migration policy, which manages and shapes overall access of non-European Economic Area (EEA) nationals to the Irish labour market.1 Under the employment permits system administered by the Department of Business, Enterprise and Innovation (DBEI), non-EEA nationals may apply to access the Irish labour market. The report then looks at specific policies and measures which aim to improve labour market integration for non-EU nationals living in Ireland. The focus is on labour integration measures for regularly staying non-EU nationals with a right to work. Measures specifically targeting non-EEA students, graduates, asylum seekers and beneficiaries of international protection are beyond the study scope. The effect of general labour market and social policy provision in Ireland on labour market integration is also outside the scope. Examples of public and private sector practices are discussed together with examples of community sector practices that receive public funds

APPROACHES TO UNACCOMPANIED MINORS FOLLOWING STATUS DETERMINATION IN IRELAND. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 83 DECEMBER 2018

An estimated 45,500 unaccompanied minors – children below the age of 18 who are not in the care of, or accompanied by, a responsible adult – lodged asylum applications globally in 2017,1 representing a 33 per cent increase since 2014 (34,300) (UNHCR, 2018). In 2017, over 650,000 people lodged an application for international protection in the European Union (EU) (Eurostat, 2018a), 31,395 of whom were unaccompanied minors (Eurostat, 2018b), constituting more than a 30 per cent increase since 2014. The number of unaccompanied minors recorded in Ireland is low compared to other EU Member States. However, consistent with EU and international trends, this number has increased since 2014. In 2017, 175 unaccompanied minors were referred to the Social Work Team for Separated Children Seeking Asylum (Dublin) (SWTSCSA) of the Child and Family Agency, Tusla (Tusla), which is responsible for the care of unaccompanied minors in Ireland, up from 97 in 2014 (Tusla, 2018d, 2018e). Much comparative information and research exists on the practices in Ireland and in EU Member States concerning unaccompanied minors seeking international protection. There is less research and up-to-date information on the practices and integration measures in place for unaccompanied minors who have received an international protection or immigration status decision. This study examines the policies and practices on unaccompanied minors following an international protection or immigration status decision in Ireland. Principally, it looks at two potential outcomes for unaccompanied minors in Ireland: a positive decision for immigration permission or international protection and subsequent integration in-country and forced or voluntary return. The study also looks at implications arising from a lack of status

MONITORING REPORT ON INTEGRATION 2018. ESRI Report, November 2018

Given that a significant proportion of the population living in Ireland is of non-Irish origin, how are non-Irish nationals integrating into Irish society? How do they compare to the Irish population in terms of employment rates, educational qualifications, income and poverty rates, health outcomes, housing and participation in Irish political life? This Integration Monitor is the sixth of a series of reports which consider outcomes in a wide range of life domains, including employment, education, social inclusion and active citizenship. It is based on indicators proposed at the European Ministerial Conference on Integration held in Zaragoza in 2010. These indicators are comparable across European Union (EU) Member States, based on existing data and focused on outcomes. It should be noted that some differences between Irish and non-Irish may be a result of differences in age, gender, duration in Ireland, educational background and work experience. Accounting for these differences using statistical modelling is beyond the scope of this report, but readers are alerted to relevant differences. This Monitor’s special topic is: ‘Muslims in Ireland’, based primarily on data from the 2016 Irish Census

ESTABLISHING IDENTITY OF NON-EU NATIONALS IN IRISH MIGRATION PROCESSES. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 69 DECEMBER 2017

Establishing the identity of non-EEA nationals1 entering the EU is often the first step in determining eligibility for visas, certain residence or visitor permissions and permissions associated with international protection statuses. Establishing identity is an EU-level policy priority as set out in both the European Agenda on Security (European Commission, 2015a) and the European Agenda on Migration (European Commission, 2015b). No legal or overarching definition of ‘identity’ in the context of migration procedures exists in the majority of Member States. For the purposes of migration, identity is generally established by documents such as birth certificates, passports or other identity papers. Biometric identification refers to physical characteristics including fingerprints and digital facial images. Any individual wishing to enter Ireland, whether visa required or not, is subject to immigration controls at ports of entry. All non-EEA (both visa required and non-visa required) nationals require permission to enter Ireland upon arrival.2 Visa required non-EEA nationals must apply for a visa to travel to Ireland. However, an Irish visa is a form of pre-entry clearance to travel to a point of entry to the State only (Quinn, 2011). In almost all cases a passport or travel document is required in order for a non-EEA national to be issued a visa, to register in the State and to access the territory at the border. Protection applicants are not required to have a passport or travel document to access the asylum procedure. This study looks at the processes in place for establishing the identities of applicants for: short- and long-stay visas; residence and visitor permissions; international protection and permission to remain; and in relation to persons subject to a deportation order who have exhausted the asylum process. This study also looks at the process of establishing applicants’ identities at the point of access to the national territory

IRELAND'S RESPONSE TO RECENT TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION APPLICATIONS. ESRI RESEARCH SERIES NUMBER 72 JUNE 2018

The number of displaced persons has almost doubled over the last 20 years, reaching a record high of 65.6 million globally in 2016. Some 2.9 million of this number were refugees or asylum seekers (UNHCR, 2017a). The ongoing war in Syria, as well as major displacements resulting from conflict in Iraq, Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa, led to a large number of persons in need of protection attempting to reach the European Union (EU) between 2014 and 2016. Huge increases in irregular arrivals, mainly at southern and eastern Member States, as well as regular reports of multiple fatalities en route, led to the period becoming referred to by some as the refugee or migrant crisis. Asylum applications made within the EU increased rapidly in the period: in 2015, 1.32 million asylum applications were lodged, representing an increase of 110 per cent on 2014 when 627,000 applications were recorded. A slight decrease (5 per cent) in asylum applications in the EU was seen in 2016 (1.26 million), but this figure is still high when compared to pre-crisis levels (Eurostat, 2017). This study looks at Ireland’s response to recent trends in international protection applications during the period 2014–2016. In Ireland, like in many other Member States, a number of legislative and policy changes were introduced in those years specifically to address or manage fluctuations in the number of asylum applications, or to better control migration flows. Such policies and practices responded both to the wider EU refugee and migrant crisis, which had limited direct impact on Ireland but which changed the policy context, as well as to national increases and decreases in asylum applications. The scope of this report is limited to policy, practice and legislation regarding relocation and spontaneously arriving asylum applicants. Due to the fact that resettled refugees are not applicants for international protection, resettlement is excluded from the scope of this study

Comparison of capsule-mixed versus hand-mixed glass ionomer cements Part II: Porosity

Glass ionomer restorative cements (GIC) are routinely used in dental practice. During mixing, air incorporation may lead to higher porosity with subsequent weakening of the cement. The degree of porosity will determine whether capsule-mixed or hand-mixed GIC are mechanically stronger for clinical use. To compare the porosity of four commercially available dental glass ionomer cements, supplied in both hand mix and capsule-mix formulations, by evaluating number of voids (%), total volume of voids (mm3 ) and volume percentage of voids (%). Eighty samples were manufactured from hand-mixed GIC: Riva Self Cure; Fuji IX GP ; Ketac Universal, Ketac Molar Easymix, and equivalent capsule-mixed GIC: Riva Self Cure; Fuji IX GP ; Ketac Universal Aplicap and Ketac Molar Aplicap. Micro-CT scanning was used to evaluate porosity. The number of voids (mm3 ), total volume of voids (mm3 ) and the volume percentage of voids (%) were calculated