Minimalism and diachronic syntax: the development of negative expressions*

The present paper provides a formal account of the development of negative expressions as an instance of grammaticalisation, in the sense of Roberts & Roussou (2003). Drawing on data from the history of Greek, it is shown that (a subclass of) emphatic indefinites in the scope of negation are prone to reanalysis as n-words. It is next argued that n-words follow the typology of pronouns; thus reanalysis of the relevant indefinites is of the DP > φP > NP kind, yielding different types of negative elements accordingly

Wh-interrogatives: from Classical Greek to Modern Greek

The aim of this paper is to provide an account of wh-interrogatives in Classical Greek (CG) and discuss the differences with their Modern Greek (MG) counterparts. Within this context the present analysis offers some new data on the typology of wh-interrogatives, thus extending the discussion provided by Cheng (1991). The main difference between CG and MG is that in the former case the indefinite is also used as a wh-phrase, while in the latter the classes of wh-interrogatives and indefinites (existential quantifiers) are morphologically distinct. Both grammatical systems though exhibit wh-movement. However, CG, unlike MG, seems to permit multiple fronting of wh-phrases, resembling in that respect languages like Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian (Rudin (1988)). I will argue that multiple wh-fronting targets different C positions and is subject to the following two conditions: a) there is a morphological correlation between wh-phrases and indefinites (cf. Cheng (1991)), and b) there is independent evidence for the activation of different C-positions by means of using C-particles, or have second-position effects. Condition (a) considers the properties of the attractee, while (b) links multiple wh-movement to clause-structure, relating it to the attractor. Finally, I will briefly consider the changes from CG to MG

The syntax of Complementisers

The aim of this thesis is to provide a detailed analysis of certain syntactic properties of Complementisers (C), formulated within the Minimalist framework (Chomsky 1993, Brody 1993). In particular, I discuss three types of syntactic phenomena where the C position is crucially involved. In chapter 1 I provide a brief discussion of the theoretical framework and an overview of the data. In chapter 2 I discuss that-t phenomena. In languages like English subject extraction from a position adjacent to C yields ungrammaticality (the that-t effect). This is due to a violation of the Empty Category Principle (ECP). I argue that an analysis distinguishing between proper and non-proper head governors (cf. Rizzi 1990) cannot hold within the minimalist framework. Assuming that that can be an expletive (Lasnik and Saito 1984, Law 1991a&b), there are two possible chains to be formed: one by moving I-to-C (C is realised as zero) and the other by coindexing C and I (C is realised as that). In long subject extraction, I must move to C so that it c-commands the subject trace. In subject relatives, on the other hand, there is subject short movement. Thus I and C can only form a chain under coindexation. If I moves to C, then a configuration is created where both the Operator and its variable end up in the same minimal domain. Thus the Operator cannot be 'ordered' with respect to its trace and the result is ungrammatical. I call this the Ordering effect. In chapter 3 I discuss factive complements. In particular, I consider factivity as a property of the complement clause, specifically of its C. I argue that C in factives bears some feature specification which: (a) derives the semantics of factive complements and (b) blocks adjunct extraction. I argue that the different locality properties of factive complements in Modern Greek (MG) and English can be captured on the basis of different features on the C head. In particular, MG possesses a special C for factives (pu vs. the nonfactive oti) which, I argue, is characterised as [+definite]. The strong islandhood of MG factives is then attributed to definiteness in the same way that definite NP's are opaque to any kind of extraction. As for English, I assume, following Hegarty (1992b), that C is specified for a F(amiliarity) feature. The operator status of a [+F] C is enough to block adjunct extraction only. Finally, in chapter 4 I discuss the subjunctive. With respect to MG I argue that the empty C triggers movement of the na+V complex (an instance of I-to-C movement) according to the principle of Full Interpretation. I assume, following Manzini (1994b), that the subjunctive I is licensed by a sentential operator and forms a dependency of the (Op,... ,I) type. Epistemic predicates license the subjunctive because they can be implicitly modal (Veloudis 1985). Moreover, I argue that the presence of an expletive T with epistemic modality allows for independent time reference in the na-clause. With respect to the phenomenon of disjoint reference in Romance, I argue that this is due to the presence of an expletive C, while in the Balkan subjunctives coreference is possible due to the availability of I-to-C movement

Wh-complement Clauses and (non-)Local Selection

This paper revisits c- and s-selection in the context of wh-clausal complements. The standard treatment of predicate-complement selection can be traced back to generative approaches of 70’s and says that the selection of a complement by a predicate is evaluated both in syntax and semantics. As regards syntax, the grammatical category of the complement must belong to the subcategorization frame of the predicate, and vis-à-vis semantics, the semantic type of the complement must fall in the set of types selected by the predicate. The present paper examines several licit instances of wh-clausal selection that should have been ungrammatical under the standard treatment, but they are not. The analysis offered here says that c-selection reduces to argument selection and is computed derivationally (at the point of External Merge), while s-selection reduces to an interpretation function that spans a larger grammatical domain and is evaluated representationally (at the syntax-semantics interface)

Syntactic architecture and its consequences I: Syntax inside the grammar

This volume collects novel contributions to comparative generative linguistics that “rethink” existing approaches to an extensive range of phenomena, domains, and architectural questions in linguistic theory. At the heart of the contributions is the tension between descriptive and explanatory adequacy which has long animated generative linguistics and which continues to grow thanks to the increasing amount and diversity of data available to us. The chapters address research questions on the relation of syntax to other aspects of grammar and linguistics more generally, including studies on language acquisition, variation and change, and syntactic interfaces. Many of these contributions show the influence of research by Ian Roberts and collaborators and give the reader a sense of the lively nature of current discussion of topics in synchronic and diachronic comparative syntax ranging from the core verbal domain to higher, propositional domains. This book is complemented by volume II available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/276 and volume III available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/277

Syntactic architecture and its consequences I: Syntax inside the grammar

This volume collects novel contributions to comparative generative linguistics that “rethink” existing approaches to an extensive range of phenomena, domains, and architectural questions in linguistic theory. At the heart of the contributions is the tension between descriptive and explanatory adequacy which has long animated generative linguistics and which continues to grow thanks to the increasing amount and diversity of data available to us. The chapters address research questions on the relation of syntax to other aspects of grammar and linguistics more generally, including studies on language acquisition, variation and change, and syntactic interfaces. Many of these contributions show the influence of research by Ian Roberts and collaborators and give the reader a sense of the lively nature of current discussion of topics in synchronic and diachronic comparative syntax ranging from the core verbal domain to higher, propositional domains. This book is complemented by volume II available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/276 and volume III available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/277

Syntactic architecture and its consequences I: Syntax inside the grammar

This volume collects novel contributions to comparative generative linguistics that “rethink” existing approaches to an extensive range of phenomena, domains, and architectural questions in linguistic theory. At the heart of the contributions is the tension between descriptive and explanatory adequacy which has long animated generative linguistics and which continues to grow thanks to the increasing amount and diversity of data available to us. The chapters address research questions on the relation of syntax to other aspects of grammar and linguistics more generally, including studies on language acquisition, variation and change, and syntactic interfaces. Many of these contributions show the influence of research by Ian Roberts and collaborators and give the reader a sense of the lively nature of current discussion of topics in synchronic and diachronic comparative syntax ranging from the core verbal domain to higher, propositional domains. This book is complemented by volume II available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/276 and volume III available at https://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/277